The 1990-91 Jefferson County, West Virginia African-American Cemetery Survey. Submitted to: West Virginia Division of Culture and History Charleston, WV. Charles A. Hulse, Department of Social Sciences, Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, WV. James T. Surkamp, Research Associate with an Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson County, WV, by Hannah Geffert, Shepherd College July 1, 1991 Shepherd College Cultural Resource Management Report #16
- 1 by Hulse, Charles A.
- 2 Hulse, Charles A. THE 1990-91 JEFFERSON COUNTY, WEST VIRGINIA AFRICAN-AMERICAN CEMETERY SURVEY
- 2.1 Submitted to: West Virginia Division of Culture and History
- 2.2 Charleston, WV
- 2.3 Charles A. Hulse, Department of Social Sciences, Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, WV
- 2.4 James T. Surkamp, Research Associate
- 2.5 with an Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson County, WV
- 2.6 by Hannah Geffert, Shepherd College
- 2.7 July 1, 1991
- 2.8 Shepherd College Cultural Resource Management Report #16
- 2.9 TABLE OF CONTENTS
- 2.9.1 <a href="#Chap1"> Abstract</a>
- 2.9.2 <a href="#Chap2"> Introduction</a>
- 2.9.3 <a href="#Chap3"> History and Environment</a>
- 2.9.4 <a href="#Chap4"> The Cemetery Problem in Jefferson County</a>
- 2.9.5 <a href="#Chap5"> Project Goals</a>
- 2.9.6 <a href="#Chap6"> Survey Methodology</a>
- 2.9.7 <a href="#Chap7"> Field-Based Reconnaissance</a>
- 2.9.8 <a href="#Chap8"> Oral History</a>
- 2.9.9 <a href="#Chap9"> Documentary Research</a>
- 2.9.10 <a href="#Chap10"> Primary Historical Source Materials</a>
- 2.9.11 <a href="#Chap11"> Secondary Sources</a>
- 2.9.12 <a href="#Chap12"> Map Resources</a>
- 2.9.13 <a href="#Chap13"> Predictive Modeling</a>
- 2.9.14 <a href="#Chap14"> Preparation of Site Forms</a>
- 2.9.15 <a href="#Chap15"> Known Black Initiated Cemeteries</a>
- 2.9.16 <a href="#Chap16"> General Results - Sites Located</a>
- 2.9.17 <a href="#Chap17"> Slaveowning Plantations and Farms Identified</a>
- 2.9.18 <a href="#Chap18"> Slave Cemetery Locations</a>
- 2.9.19 <a href="#Chap19"> Free Black Cemetery Locations</a>
- 2.9.20 <a href="#Chap20"> Recommendations for Future Surveys</a>
- 2.9.21 <a href="#Chap21"> Articulation with Local Government</a>
- 2.9.22 <a href="#Chap22"> References Cited</a>
- 2.9.23 <a href="#Chap23"> Appendix A - An Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson Co., WV by Hannah Geffert</a>
- 2.9.24 <a href="#Chap24"> Appendix B - West Virginia Archaeological Sites Forms Maps (Sites identified in this survey are marked in green.</a>
- 2.10 <a name="Chap1">Abstract</a>
- 2.11 <a name="Chap2">Introduction</a>
- 2.12 <a name="Chap3">History and Environment</a>
- 2.13 <a name="Chap4">The Cemetery Problem in Jefferson County</a>
- 2.14 <a name="Chap5">Project Goals</a>
- 2.15 <a name="Chap6">Survey Methodology</a>
- 2.16 <a name="Chap7">Field-Based Reconnaissance</a>
- 2.17 <a name="Chap8">Oral History</a>
- 2.18 <a name="Chap9">Documentary Research</a>
- 2.19 <a name="Chap10">Historical Source Materials</a>
- 2.20 <a name="Chap11">Secondary Sources</a>
- 2.21 <a name="Chap12">Map Resources</a>
- 2.22 <a name="Chap13">Predictive Modeling</a>
- 2.23 <a name="Chap14">Preparation of Site Forms</a>
- 2.24 <a name="Chap15">Known Black-Initiated Cemeteries</a>
- 2.25 <a name="Chap16">General Results: Sites located</a>
- 2.26 <a name="Chap17">Mid 19th Century Slaveholding Plantations and Farms Identified</a>
- 2.27 <a name="Chap18">Slave Cemetery Locations</a>
- 2.28 <a name="Chap19">Free Black Cemetery Locations</a>
- 2.29 <a name="Chap20">Recommendations for Future Survey Strategies</a>
- 2.30 <a name="Chap21">Articulation with Local Government</a>
- 2.31 <a name="Chap22">References Cited</a>
- 2.32 <a name="Chap23">APPENDIX A</a>
- 3 ==
- 3.1 <a href="#Sub1">FIRST BLACKS IN JEFFERSON COUNTY:</a>
- 3.2 <a href="#Sub2">PLANTATION: </a>
- 3.3 <a href="#Sub3">THE LAW: </a>
- 3.4 <a href="#Sub4">RUNAWAY SLAVES: </a>
- 3.5 <a href="#Sub5">FEAR OF SLAVE REVOLT: </a>
- 3.6 <a href="#Sub6">FOR SALE OR HIRE: </a>
- 3.7 <a href="#Sub7">SLAVE LABOR OFF THE PLANTATION: </a>
- 3.8 <a href="#Sub8">MOVEMENT TOWARD THE END OF SLAVERY: </a>
- 3.9 <a href="#Sub9">COLONIZATION SOCIETY: </a>
- 3.10 <a href="#Sub10">FREE BLACKS: </a>
- 3.11 <a href="#Sub11">CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850-1851 : </a>
- 3.12 <a href="#Sub12">JOHN BROWN'S RAID: </a>
- 3.13 <a href="#Sub13">WEST VIRGINIA STATEHOOD: </a>
- 3.14 <a href="#Sub14">WAR: </a>
- 3.15 <a href="#Sub15">THE 19th REGIMENT, COLORED: </a>
- 3.16 <a href="#Sub16">FREEDMAN'S BUREAU: </a>
- 3.17 <a href="#Sub17">WAR ENDS: </a>
- 3.18 <a href="#Sub18">FAMILY REUNION: </a>
- 3.19 <a href="#Sub19">EMANCIPATION: </a>
- 3.20 <a href="#Sub20">THE NEW LABOR SYSTEM: </a>
- 3.21 <a href="#Sub21">STORER COLLEGE: </a>
- 3.22 <a name="sub1">FIRST BLACKS IN JEFFERSON COUNTY:</a>
- 3.23 <a name="sub2">PLANTATION:</a>
- 3.24 <a name="sub3">THE LAW</a>
- 3.25 <a name="sub4">RUNAWAY SLAVES:</a>
- 3.26 <a name="sub5">FEAR OF SLAVE REVOLT:</a>
- 3.27 <a name="sub6">FOR SALE OR HIRE:</a>
- 3.28 <a name="sub7">SLAVE LABOR OFF THE PLANTATION:</a>
- 3.29 <a name="sub8">MOVEMENT TOWARD THE END OF SLAVERY:</a>
- 3.30 <a name="sub9">COLONIZATION SOCIETY:</a>
- 3.31 <a name="sub10">FREE BLACKS:</a>
- 3.32 <a name="sub11">CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850-1851:</a>
- 3.33 <a name="sub12">JOHN BROWN'S RAID:</a>
- 3.34 <a name="sub13">WEST VIRGINIA STATEHOOD:</a>
- 3.35 <a name="sub14">WAR:</a>
- 3.36 <a name="sub15">THE 19th REGIMENT, COLORED</a>
- 3.37 <a name="sub16">FREEDMAN'S BUREAU:</a>
- 3.38 <a name="sub17">WAR ENDS:</a>
- 3.39 <a name="sub18">FAMILY REUNION:</a>
- 3.40 <a name="sub19">EMANCIPATION:</a>
- 3.41 <a name="sub20">THE NEW LABOR SYSTEM:</a>
- 3.42 <a name="sub21">STORER COLLEGE</a>
- 3.43 <a name="Chap24">Appendix B - West Virginia Archaeological Sites Forms
by Hulse, Charles A.
The 1990-91 Jefferson County, West Virginia African-American Cemetery Survey. Submitted to: West Virginia Division of Culture and History Charleston, WV. Charles A. Hulse, Department of Social Sciences, Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, WV. James T. Surkamp, Research Associate with an Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson County, WV, by Hannah Geffert, Shepherd College July 1, 1991 Shepherd College Cultural Resource Management Report #16|
Property "Title" (as page type) with input value "The 1990-91 Jefferson County, West Virginia African-American Cemetery Survey. Submitted to: West Virginia Division of Culture and History Charleston, WV. Charles A. Hulse, Department of Social Sciences, Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, WV. James T. Surkamp, Research Associate with an Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson County, WV, by Hannah Geffert, Shepherd College July 1, 1991 Shepherd College Cultural Resource Management Report #16" contains invalid characters or is incomplete and therefore can cause unexpected results during a query or annotation process.
Hulse, Charles A.
West Virginia Division of Culture and History Charleston, WV 1/1/1991
Hulse, Charles A. THE 1990-91 JEFFERSON COUNTY, WEST VIRGINIA AFRICAN-AMERICAN CEMETERY SURVEY
Submitted to: West Virginia Division of Culture and History
Charles A. Hulse, Department of Social Sciences, Shepherd College, Shepherdstown, WV
James T. Surkamp, Research Associate
with an Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson County, WV
by Hannah Geffert, Shepherd College
July 1, 1991
Shepherd College Cultural Resource Management Report #16
TABLE OF CONTENTS
<a href="#Chap1"> Abstract</a>
<a href="#Chap2"> Introduction</a>
<a href="#Chap3"> History and Environment</a>
<a href="#Chap4"> The Cemetery Problem in Jefferson County</a>
<a href="#Chap5"> Project Goals</a>
<a href="#Chap6"> Survey Methodology</a>
<a href="#Chap7"> Field-Based Reconnaissance</a>
<a href="#Chap8"> Oral History</a>
<a href="#Chap9"> Documentary Research</a>
<a href="#Chap10"> Primary Historical Source Materials</a>
<a href="#Chap11"> Secondary Sources</a>
<a href="#Chap12"> Map Resources</a>
<a href="#Chap13"> Predictive Modeling</a>
<a href="#Chap14"> Preparation of Site Forms</a>
<a href="#Chap15"> Known Black Initiated Cemeteries</a>
<a href="#Chap16"> General Results - Sites Located</a>
<a href="#Chap17"> Slaveowning Plantations and Farms Identified</a>
<a href="#Chap18"> Slave Cemetery Locations</a>
<a href="#Chap19"> Free Black Cemetery Locations</a>
<a href="#Chap20"> Recommendations for Future Surveys</a>
<a href="#Chap21"> Articulation with Local Government</a>
<a href="#Chap22"> References Cited</a>
<a href="#Chap23"> Appendix A - An Annotated Narrative of the African-American Community in Jefferson Co., WV by Hannah Geffert</a>
<a href="#Chap24"> Appendix B - West Virginia Archaeological Sites Forms Maps (Sites identified in this survey are marked in green.</a>
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
Shepherd College conducted a reconnaissance level archaeological survey of Jefferson County, West Virginia, with a focus on the location and documentation of historic-period cemeteries associated with the African-American community. Cemeteries from slave plantations, free black communities, and local townships were sought through a combination of documentary research, oral history interviews and field-based visits.
During the 1990 -1991 year, a total of 19,000 acres of land was investigated either through documentary review of field visitation. A total of 90 archaeological site forms were prepared on cemeteries, slave quarters, and other properties associated with the African-American community. In addition, approximately 200 properties were located which are of the highest probability to contain slave cemeteries and other resources of archeological, architectural and historical value.
A catchment analysis was performed on selected sites in order to ascertain locational features associated with historic period cemeteries. The results of this analysis showed the majority of cemeteries to be located within a 500 foot radius of a major historic residence.
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
In July of 1990 , Shepherd College received an archaeological survey and planning grant from the West Virginia Division of Culture and History. The purpose of the grant was to locate historic-period cemeteries and other sites associated with the African American community in Jefferson County, West Virginia. Designed as a reconnaissance survey, this project was initially needed due to the rapid development in the region. As the fastest growing county in the state, a record number of roads, subdivisions, and assorted construction projects have been planned or built during the last ten years. The reason for this growth is the encroachment of the metropolitan Washington, DC megalopolis into the rural countryside by people seeking escape from expensive real estate and high property taxes in suburban Maryland and Virginia.
Located approximately 1-1/2 hours west of Washington, DC, the Eastern Panhandle of West Virginia is composed of Jefferson, Berkeley and Morgan Counties. As the southernmost of these three counties, Jefferson County contains a total area of 135,040 acres or 211 square miles and is still today one of the most productive counties in the state for agriculture. Success in agriculture is primarily due to an abundance of water from spring-fed creeks and runs, as well as to productive well-drained soils.
<a name="Chap3">History and Environment</a>
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
Physiographically, Jefferson County is located in the lower Shenandoah Valley (a.k.a Great Valley) bordered by The Blue Ridge Mountains to the east, and by North Mountain (a remnant of the Appalachian Plateau) to the west. The broad valley which lies between these two ridges forms a part of the middle Potomac drainage system. The Potomac River forms the northeastern boundary of the county and approximately half of the county drains east into the Shenandoah River which joins the Potomac at Harper's Ferry. Opequon Creek, a major tributary of the Potomac, forms a portion of the county's south west boundary. These three major waterways drain the entire county and are fed by a total of 16 named low order streams.
The combination of fertile soils and abundant water made Jefferson County extremely attractive during prehistoric and historic times. Prehistoric settlement of the area is known by 8000 B.C. with the majority of Native American archaeological sites clustering near or along springheads, low order streams and the major waterways.
Historically, European settlement in the area which now encompasses Jefferson County directly followed early expeditions encompasses Jefferson County directly followed early expeditions by John Lederer (in 1669 -70 ), Louis Michel (in 1707 ), and Christopher Barone de Graffenreid (in 1712 ). By 1719 enough settlers had arrived in the Shepherdstown area that a request for a permanent minister was made by the people of "Potomoke" to the  Philadelphia Presbyterian Synod (Bushong 1972: 10-11). While the early history of the county is poorly known, the majority of the first settlers appear to be of German, Scotch, English, Dutch, and Welsh descent who migrated from southern and eastern Pennsylvania into the Lower Shenandoah Valley. By 1750 , the region known as the Northern Neck of Virginia was rapidly being subdivided by Lord Fairfax for sale to wealthy land speculators or small-scale farmers.
Shepherdstown (Mecklenburg) on the north end of the county was first established in 1762 and was the primary urban center throughout the 18th century. Along with the town of Middleway (then Southfield) and Charles Town (circa 1787 ), Shepherdstown served as a commercial and residential center and as a transshipment point for agricultural commodities to the Washington, DC market. While some tobacco was grown in the region during the 18th century, wheat, corn and other storable grains formed the primary basis for agriculture. Aided by abundant fast running streams, the region also developed a major milling industry by the last quarter of the 18th century. Later development of Harper's Ferry as a major industrial center in the late 18th/early 19th century, led to a significant increase in population for the county. The development of both the C & O canal and the B & O railroad in the 1830's opened the region even more to eastern markets and encouraged the development of both agriculture and industry in present day Jefferson County. By 1850 , Harper's Ferry had grown to a population of 1,747 and  Shepherdstown to 1,561, and Charles Town to 1,507. Jefferson County (Virginia until the creation of West Virginia in 1863 ) had grown to a total population of 15,357 by 1850 (U.S. Census Report).
The destruction of Harper's Ferry industry during the Civil War, as well as many social changes such as the migration of freed slaves to Maryland and Pennsylvania created a period of slow growth for the county in the post-war years. The 100 years between 1850 and 1950 , the population remained relatively stable and grew by less than 2,000 residents during the entire period. The loss of an industrial base during the Civil War confined the majority of the population to small farms and related agricultural services throughout the Reconstruction and Depression periods. Only during the past 40 years has the county diversified to a point that the majority of jobs are now in nonagriculturally related occupations. This in large part is due solely to the expansion of the metropolitan D.C/Baltimore corridor rather than to any specific internal developments.
<a name="Chap4">The Cemetery Problem in Jefferson County</a>
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
Along with the recent commercial and residential development of the rural landscape have come a variety of impacts on the natural and cultural resources of Jefferson County. In October, 1988 , a historic period cemetery was discovered during the construction of The Charles Town Bypass approximately 1.3 miles  east of Charles Town. This cemetery eventually proved to contain 35 individuals buried between 1760 and 1840 with the majority from the very late 18th century. As a result of sometimes tense negotiations between the West Virginia Department of Highways, The Federal Highway Administration, The West Virginia Department of Culture and History, and the Federal Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, a salvage archaeology project was initiated to gather historical information from the heavily damaged cemetery site (see Hulse, 1990).
This site was significant not only for the information it contained, but also for the public awareness it raised. The Charles Town Bypass cemetery was unmarked at the time of discovery and the identities of the interred individuals were never completely documented. At that time, West Virginia law (Article 13, Chapter 37) provided for grave exhumation and relocation with a local court order and after an attempt had been made to locate living descendants. The only problem with this statute was that it contained no specific procedures or guidelines for dealing with unmarked cemeteries where the number and identity of individual graves in unknown. In many other states, unmarked cemeteries are frequently treated as archaeological sites so that graves will be carefully excavated and the human remains analyzed so that the time period of the grave and information about the person can be obtained.
In addition to the wealth of historical information those graves contain, the proper use of archaeological technique  frequently leads to the exact identification of the buried individual. If, for example, a grave is found to date between 1850 and 1855 and contains the remains of a woman aged 43 who died of pneumonia, a cross tabulation with death records will often result in a very short list of individuals who fit those criteria. If many graves are present, then the job of general cemetery identification is made easier. With modern research techniques in forensic anthropology an extremely large amount of information can be gathered from human remains such as lifestyle, occupation, health, nutritional status, age, sex, cause of death, and many other finer details of genetics. The human skeleton can, therefore, be viewed as an extremely valuable source of historical information.
In the case of the Charles Town Bypass cemetery, the state and federal highway agencies wanted to treat the cemetery as "known" using questionable historic sources, while the West Virginia Department of Culture and History wanted this 18th century cemetery to be treated as an archaeological site under federal law. Because federal funding was involved, the federal laws which govern historic resources came into play and superseded state law. The 1966 National Historic Preservation Act contains Section 106 which essentially prevents historical and archaeological sites eligible for The National Register of Historic Places from being destroyed using federal monies. Since the West Virginia Department of Highways received funding for the Charles Town Bypass from the Federal Highway Administration, they  were bound by federal law to protect (or mitigate, if necessary) archaeological sites.
The Charles Town Bypass cemetery site soon became the center of a struggle between the West Virginia Department of Culture and History (a state agency that administers federal historic preservation laws) and both the state and federal highway agencies. In such cases, the Federal Advisory Council on Historic Preservation is called in to mediate the dispute and sort out responsibilities. As it turned out, the majority of the graves were exhumed and quickly reburied by the West Virginia Department of Highways without analysis before Culture and History and the Advisory Council were even informed of the cemetery. While prosecution of Highways for violation of federal law never materialized, they were, however, ordered to conduct an archaeological excavation of the disturbed cemetery after the fact. Results of those excavations included the discovery of one grave "overlooked" by Highways as well as hundreds of bones, artifacts, and coffin fragments from crudely disinterred graves.
The lesson learned from the Charles Town Bypass Cemetery was soon tested in August 1989 when another unmarked cemetery was discovered a few miles north west of Shepherdstown in nearby Berkeley County. Known first as the Spring Mills site and later as the Light Family Slave Cemetery, this site was found during the installation of a sewer line near the town of Beddington, WV. Again, the cemetery was unmarked and the number or identity of graves were unknown. In the case of this cemetery, however, the  land developer responsible for the sewer line agreed to treat the graves as an archaeological site and worked with Culture and History toward this goal. Although the sewer right-of-way was on a state road right-of-way, The Department of Highways did not wish to intervene in this situation.
Although research is still ongoing on the human remains from the site, it is highly probable that this cemetery represents three slaves owned by John Light (1756 -1827 ), a prominent local farmer. The 1820 Census, which offers an age profile of slaves, shows John Light as the possessor one girl 14 years or younger, and two men aged over 45 and 26-45 respectively. Upon his death in 1827 , John Light's will (written in 1821 ) specifically mentions the disposition of three slaves known only as Mariah, Charles and Tilberry. These are the same individuals most likely mentioned in the 1820 census.
Physical anthropology conducted by Dwight Schmidt of the Smithsonian is ongoing, but preliminary results indicate that the remains found in the sewer line construction are two men and one woman of African descent. Given that the graves date to the 1840 period, it is very possible that final analysis will prove these individuals to be the same ones mentioned in historical documents. If this is the case, then a respectful reburial can be accomplished with the exact identities known and documented.
It is interesting to note that these slaves were buried across a main road from a white cemetery and just a short distance from the original Light family house. This pattern  appears to repeat through the region with slave cemeteries located close to both white family cemeteries and to major historic homes of their owners. While the full extent of this cemetery is unknown, it is probable that most slave cemeteries are quite small containing only 5-20 individuals. Since John Light was only one of 11 children of Peter Light (1733 -1810 ), it is very probable that other family slaves were buried in adjacent lands on John's father's estate or at his brothers farms nearby. A single white family of prominence could therefore "produce" numerous small cemeteries across their holdings in conjunction with estate settlements or other business operations.
The discovery of a second historic period cemetery within a year, and with all the publicity which surrounded each case, led to a push by Culture and History to establish clear legal control over unmarked cemeteries through either revision of existing law or new legislation. By early 1990 , House Bill 4752 was signed into law which amended the original act for Culture and History (Article 1, Chapter 29) to provide this agency clear control over unmarked prehistoric and historic graves in the state. While a great deal of publicity surrounded the historic cemeteries in the Eastern Panhandle, several prehistoric cemeteries had also been discovered throughout the state - including two in Jefferson County. Prehistoric cemeteries were excavated at the Glenhaven site between Bakerton and Harper's Ferry in 1978 and at a location just outside Shepherdstown in 1986 . In both cases, the cemeteries were discovered in the course of residential  development. While prehistoric cemeteries were always treated differently than historic-period cemeteries, the recent revision of state code now place these sites clearly under the control of Culture and History. Vandalism of prehistoric gravesites by relic collectors has been a major problem in surrounding states and Native American groups have become increasingly concerned with the protection of prehistoric cemeteries.
House Bill 4752 substantially alters the previous powers of Culture and History granted originally in 1931 . The addition of Section 6-B in 1990 now authorizes Culture and History to administer all unmarked graves and cemeteries over 50 years of age which are not in a publicly or privately maintained cemetery or in the care of a cemetery association. Abandoned, neglected, or small family cemeteries are, therefore, now regarded as historic resources and enjoy a greater degree of protection than before. The new legislation is also significant in that the intentional disturbance of human remains without Culture and Highway's [History's] approval now constitutes a felony offense punishable by fines and a 2-5 year prison term.
With the removal of previous loop holes from state law, the burden is now placed on Culture and History to locate and administer unmarked cemeteries within West Virginia. If the location of cemeteries is not specifically known to Culture and History, then these cemeteries can still be destroyed during the course of land development as long as the developer does not "knowingly" or "intentionally" desecrate the site.
<a name="Chap5">Project Goals</a>
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
The focus of this project was to locate and document cemeteries associated with the African-American community in Jefferson County -- including both slave and pre/post Civil War free blacks. This group was chosen for the first cemetery survey effort primarily due to the fact that they are the poorest documented and the least represented population in known cemeteries. While the black population was known to comprise approximately 30% of the county in 1850 (4,741 slaves, 341 free blacks) only one tombstone or documented cemetery is known for the pre-Civil War period. This suggests that hundreds of small slave cemeteries are scattered across the county such as was the case with the Light family slave cemetery previously discussed. As many historic farms and plantations fall victim to subdivisions and shopping centers, the cemeteries on those farms are being destroyed without an attempt to either locate graves or identify individuals. Given that the knowledge and technology is available to do both these needed tasks, the main job at hand is to locate and protect as many cemeteries as possible. If development cannot be prevented from impacting these sites, then at least archaeology can be used to locate gravesites, identify individuals, and see that they are reburied with dignity and respect. Considering that historical death records from 1853 -1860 (the only years available) document 362 slave deaths for those years, it is highly likely that many graves of these  individuals will be accidentally unearthed in future years.
Therefore, the primary goal was to use all available resources to specifically locate properties with either known cemeteries or with long histories of slavery which logically would have contained cemeteries. Known white family cemeteries were also prime candidates for investigation to determine if a distinct slave component existed at or near those cemeteries. When a slave component was found at these family cemeteries then the entire cemetery was recorded since they too are not regarded to be archeological sites under current legislation.
Therefore, a secondary goal of the project was the location of white family cemeteries whose locations do not appear on modern topographic maps. Special emphasis was placed on those properties in the county which both contained a documented white cemetery and had documentary evidence of slave deaths or an extensive slave owning history. This goal required a great deal of primary research on each property as well as reconnaissance visits to the sites.
Impacts on white family cemeteries have occurred throughout the years with many headstones stolen, broken, or improperly relocated. At several cemeteries, it is known that all headstones were removed at one time to allow clean up activities with the stones later replaced in neat rows for easier grass moving. Those types of activities have created a unique situation in which even known marked cemeteries do not accurately reflect the individuals within each specific marked grave. For  this reason, even white marked cemeteries pre-dating the 1920's are, in an archaeological sense, unmarked cemeteries.
A third major goal of the project was to conduct a literature review of documentary sources relevant to black history, and to define the major themes from Jefferson County. This goal was designed to assist in the documentation of cemetery sites, as well as to form the framework for a Black History study unit for the RP3 planning process. The RP3 planning system is a national program for historic preservation planning which incorporates a wide variety of historical, archaeological, and architectural resources within the historical framework of each specific state and local area. The ultimate goal of this project was the complete identification of all resources for state and regional planning purposes.
While a complete study unit would be an impossible task for a single project, this cemetery survey set the groundwork for such a unit to be completed in the future. A comprehensive literature search organized by subject would also be potentially useful for stimulating research on local black history - a topic which has been neglected for many years in this part of West Virginia.
A final goal of the project was to locate and record archaeological sites associated with the African-American community other than cemeteries. These include slave and free black domestic sites such as house ruins or slave quarters.
<a name="Chap6">Survey Methodology</a>
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
The goal of locating unmarked cemeteries was a formidable job considering that African-American history for the county was almost non-existent. Few secondary histories have touched on the black experience, and none of these has taken a land-based or geographic approach of major value to this project. The strategy adopted for this survey was necessarily broad and was split between field-based reconnaissance, historical documentary and personal interviews with both black and white county residents. Given that the survey and planning grant from Culture and History requires completion within one year, these three elements were initiated simultaneously rather than in a more desirable sequential order.
In order to facilitate the research, several specialized courses were created at Shepherd College with the purpose of training students in various aspects of archaeological survey and historical research. Specifically, a Summer 1990 program in Archeological Methods as well as a Spring 1991 course in Oral History were designed with this project as a focus. More than 2,500 hours of student time was devoted towards historical documentary, oral history interviews and reconnaissance research.
The local news media also played a role in this project, by publicizing efforts and by solicitation of information from county residents. Several articles were published in both the Martinsburg Evening Journal and the Hagerstown Herald Mail which provided detailed information on the scope and goals of the  project. A three part radio talk show program was also aired on WXVA (Charles Town, WV) during Black History Month in the hopes of reaching a different local audience.
Local historical organizations were also contacted and were asked to spread the word about the survey project. Included in these groups were the Carter G. Woodson Society, the Jefferson County Oral and Visual History Organization, and numerous numbers of both the Jefferson County Historical Society and the Historic Shepherdstown Commission.
<a name="Chap7">Field-Based Reconnaissance</a>
<a href="#Top">Return to top</a>
Shepherd College students and community volunteers conducted a door-to-door reconnaissance survey of several pre-selected portions of the county known historically to have high frequencies of slave plantations. Specifically, the area around the communities of Shepherdstown, Middleway, Charles Town and Leetown were investigated the most. Working in two or three person teams, students began at randomly selected farmhouses known by maps to predate the Civil War. Residents were interviewed about archaeological sites of all kinds that were known to exist on their property and state archaeological site forms were completed when necessary. Approximately 60 farms were visited during the summer of 1990 with knowledge of slave (or other) cemeteries occurring in one of four houses visited. Numerous sites of potential archaeological value were also  discovered through field visits such as house ruins, school and church ruins, industrial sites, and a few previously unknown prehistoric sites. Field investigations at these and other sites of dubious value proved very time consuming and limited the number of farms which could realistically be visited in a five week field session.
While several significant sites were located through field reconnaissance, the most valuable aspect of this phase of the project was an illustration of the large extent of cemeteries and other sites which are present in the county. Virtually every house visited in which the residents had some oral tradition about slaves on the property were later found to have long documented histories of slave ownership. The fact that no residents of farms appear to have fabricated stories about slaves points to the reliability of property owners in their knowledge of their land. Property owners which were long time residents of their farms and which had at least 3 generations of ties to the land were, of course, the most knowledgeable about various historic resources including cemeteries.
The only major problem with the field reconnaissance phase of this project was that many historic farms have recently been purchased by first time residents in the county who have very little oral tradition of their property. These individuals were, however, very interested in the farms history, and several had conducted extensive research on their individual houses. While this did not help identify unmarked cemeteries, it was useful in  evaluating ruins and other resources sometimes seen as surface features.
<a name="Chap8">Oral History</a>
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During the winter of 1990/91 , an oral history program was initiated under the direction of Professor Hannah Geffert, a part-time instructor at Shepherd College. Through a newly created oral history course, students were focused towards interviews with long-time Jefferson County residents from the African-American community. Key individuals were identified for tape recorded interviews, and students were given formal training in the interview process. Tapes of interviews were later transcribed using professional archival standards, and will eventually be available through the Shepherd College Library. Both tapes and edited transcripts will be curated in special collections and should be accessible to the public by late 1991.
The goal of the oral history project was to locate previously unknown black cemeteries as well as to document lesser known but marked cemeteries from the county. Given that virtually no published history of the black experience exists from Jefferson County, this oral history project was especially important in gathering some base line data for this historically important group.
One of the problems encountered in this project was the lack of oral tradition beyond a generation or two. The transition of  the black community after the Civil War caused many slave families to leave the area and not return. While a few residents had some knowledge of the pre-reconstruction period, most were confined to the post 1890 era. Because of this, no previously unknown free black or slave cemeteries were discovered principally by oral interviews.
While this approach was not fruitful given the main goal of cemetery location, it was very successful in linking scattered historical documents and broader U.S. history to the lifestyle of the black community in Jefferson County.
<a name="Chap9">Documentary Research</a>
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Unlike prehistoric archaeological surveys which place greatest emphasis on field reconnaissance, the nature of this project required the development of specialized research techniques using a wide array of documentary evidence. About mid-way through this project it became apparent that oral history would not be as fruitful as previously thought, and also that field interviews were too time consuming to provide comprehensive coverage. Efforts at locating cemeteries through documentary sources were then intensified. Given that post Civil War black cemeteries are relatively well known and documented through modern maps, records, and oral tradition, the focus of documentary work soon became the pre Civil War era.
As part of Virginia until 1863 , the Eastern Panhandle of  West Virginia had a very strong involvement with the institution of slavery in the pre War period. Many farms, businesses and manufacturing centers used slaves as an important labor source, and throughout the 1720 -1860 period slaves were a significant proportion of the regional population. Most slave owning farms and businesses must have had some provision for the burial of the dead slave either on the property or in some centralized location.
The task of locating slave cemeteries in particular was dependent on researching slave ownership in the county and the identification of specific parcels of land linked to these owners. If, for example, slave owning farmers could be identified from Tax, Census or other primary documents and then pinpointed on historic maps, their farms could then be traced to modern topographic maps. This would allow the identification of specific pre Civil War farms which have greatest probability for slave cemeteries. Visits to these farms and/or phone calls to the current land owners could then confirm the presence and specific location of such cemeteries. If owners had no direct knowledge of slave cemeteries then the location of cemeteries could still be accomplished through other forms of documented research or through predictive modeling.
<a name="Chap10">Historical Source Materials</a>
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Primary source materials used in this project included U.S. Census records, county tax lists, death records, wills and county  deeds. These documents are available in either the Jefferson or Berkeley County Courthouses, the Martinsburg Public Library, or the Shepherd College Library. No pre-1783 documents are available locally except for reproductions of early maps which were of little value to this specific project.
The U.S. Census from 1810 , 1820 , 1830 , 1840 , and 1850 were all very useful since they list slave owners and various detailed information about their slaves (which varies from census to census) such as number, age, sex, and occupation. Since taxes were based upon census counts of slaves, it is generally believed that these census figures represent minimums rather than true counts. In some cases where census slave counts are compared to estate settlements of the same year, it appears that slaves are being undercounted by as much as 100% in some cases. The census taker for an area as well as their family and close associates may have had the greatest latitude in providing inaccurate figures. Undoubtedly, local politics played a role in the overall degree of undercounting for each individual household. Despite the inaccuracy of census records, they do provide an excellent listing of both major and minor slave holders for the county.
Tax documents are also available which were used to supplement census records. Virginia tax payer records from 1782 -1787 are available in Martinsburg Public Library. In addition, the Berkeley County tithables list for 1783, the Berkeley County Poll List of 1788 , and the Berkeley County Tax list of 1792 are  accessible at either the Berkeley County Courthouse or the Martinsburg Library. These records provide names of slaveholders, numbers of slaves, and details about personal property such as the number of slaves, and details about personal property such as the number of acres owned by each taxpayer.
Using the combination of census and tax rolls, a specific slave owning family can be traced for more than 60 years, and some information on the disposition of slaves can be gathered from individual farms. Slave deaths can be seen in a documentary sense when a 55 year old male slave appears in one census but does not appear in the following decade. While this is circumstantial evidence of a death on the property (assuming that the slave was not freed or sold off the farm), it is not unreasonable to assume that large slaveholders tracked in this manner for several generations in residence in the same house may have had a slave cemetery somewhere on the property.
Death records for Jefferson County are unavailable for the pre 1853 period. However, the time from January 1853 to December 1860 is documented by the name of the deceased, and in the case of slaves, by their owner. Slave deaths from this period are detailed by the name (first name only), sex, age, and cause of death. For this seven year period, a total of 362 slave deaths are recorded. This number represents a disproportionately high number of deaths for slaves versus whites (483 deaths) considering the overall population of the county in 1852 was 4,741 slaves and 10,480 whites.
Some use of Jefferson County wills and deeds were also  useful in their references towards slaves or in some cases cemeteries. While extensive research of either was beyond the scope of this project, there is undoubtedly some very useful information in the records of prominent slave owning families.
<a name="Chap11">Secondary Sources</a>
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While extensive research on either slavery or black history is not available for Jefferson County, there are some very useful sources of information used in this project. By far, the most valuable source for cemeteries is Tombstone Inscriptions, Jefferson County, West Virginia, 1787 - 1980 compiled by the Bee Line Chapter of the National Society Daughters of the American Revolutions (DAR:1981). This book describes the known cemeteries and provides the cemetery location and headstone markings for each individual grave. The 1981 publication was compiled under the guidance of Mrs. Dora Feigley and was based on a previous work from 1934 entitled Old Graveyards of Jefferson County by Mrs. J.M. Miller. Notes and the typewritten manuscript are available in the Perry Room in the Charles Town, West Virginia, Public Library. This earlier document and field notes provide excellent information on cemeteries not found in the 1981 version, such as locational information and speculations about unmarked components to cemeteries.
Unmarked cemeteries, for example, were not included in the recent Tombstone Inscriptions, but are noted in some of Mrs.  Miller's notes. Since the time when cemeteries were actually visited in the 1930's , many cemeteries have been neglected, vandalized, or just abandoned -- making this current DAR effort especially important in a historical sense. Many of the small family cemeteries contained in that book are not on current (1978 ) topographic maps -- which places them in particular jeopardy to development.
The major limitation to the Tombstone Inscription book is the lack of specific cemetery locations - especially in regards to the small family cemeteries. Many cemeteries are particularly difficult to find using only the directions provided in the book. In addition, when the book was originally prepared, small cemeteries were named by the most common legible name on the tombstones rather than by a documentary review of the properties history. In some cases, the names given in the book are those of later property owners and the unmarked graves of the original owners were not acknowledged. What appears to be a single family cemetery is often a multi-family cemetery composed of all previous land owners (and sometimes their slaves) of larger proportion than described in the inscription book.
These problems aside, the Tombstone Inscription book is the single best source of information on cemetery occupants. Remembering that this book presents a picture of cemeteries as they were in the 1930's , it is a valuable source if not taken too literally. Many stones recorded in 1934 are not present in those cemeteries today, and of course, many stones erected in the  pre-Civil War period were not preserved for recordation by that time.
After working with census and tax records it becomes immediately apparent that information on cemetery locations for the pre-1860 period is particularly lacking. If the death records for 1853 -60 are compared to the tombstone inscriptions for the same period, one finds that a high proportion (19%) of white deaths are not represented in known marked graves. While burial outside the county is always a possibility, a far more probable explanation is that the cemeteries were 1) either not recorded by the DAR in 1934 , 2) never marked, or 3) marked with wooden memorials which did not survive. This is especially true for the pre 1800 period when graves of very prominent individuals such as Charles and Samuel Washington were buried without markers [unmarked].
In addition to cemetery records, several other secondary sources were of particular value. Thompson's (1984 ) Calendar and Index to Recorded Survey Plots in the Jefferson County, West Virginia (Virginia) Courthouse 1801-1901 lists plats of several family cemeteries. It is also a good sourcebook for obtaining specific citations from the deed books for individual properties without laboriously chaining back from current owners. Also useful for the delineation of slave owners is Grove's (1970 ) Reconstructed Census 1774 -1810 , Berkeley County, Virginia.
General histories of the county or local communities by Bushong (1972), Musser (1931), Dandridge (1910) and numerous issues of The Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society  (1935 - present) were all very useful in researching various families and properties.
<a name="Chap12">Map Resources</a>
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Jefferson County is blessed by several excellent historic maps which show major plantations and farms and other details of historical value. In particular, the Varle Map of 1809 and the S. Howell Brown Map of 1852 were valuable since the 1810 and 1850 census records were used to defined slaveholders. Place names of major plantations are clearly marked on the 1809 map, while individual property owners and house locations are shown on the 1852 map. Names of slaveholders found in the 1850 census are often found on the 1852 map - thus, making the document-geography link. Unfortunately, transferring locations from the 1852 map to modern topographic maps was not always possible due to distortions on the early maps. In these cases some intermediary maps from 1883 (S. Howell Brown), 1914 (U.S.G.S.), and 1928 (Shaw-Whitmer) were used to move from 1852 to 1978 property locations.
<a name="Chap13">Predictive Modeling</a>
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Inherent in this project was the desire to extract the causal variables behind spatial patterning of cemetery sites. It was hoped that enough cemeteries could be located during the year  to form the basis of a locational model which could be used to predict cemetery locations throughout the county purely from documentary and geographical characteristics. Documentary sources provide such variables as number of slaves for different periods, presence or absence of white family or community cemeteries, household wealth, and some social history such as religious affiliation. While the information is not complete for all properties, it is available in some degree for virtually all pre Civil War farms and plantations in the county.
Geographic variables of potential value to site locations include spatial positions of cemeteries relative to water, topography, elevation, soils, transportation lines, housing or barn features, and other known cemeteries.
While a full-blown analysis of site locations was not possible given time and money constraints, a catchment analysis was performed on black cemeteries using an arbitrarily selected 1,000 feet radius. Circles were simply drawn around a sample of the most completely documented cemetery sites, and variables occurring within that circle tabulated. Simple descriptive statistics were then used to evaluate variables and no sophisticated correlation statistics were used due to small sample size.
<a name="Chap14">Preparation of Site Forms</a>
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State of West Virginia Archaeological Site Forms were  prepared on sites located during this survey, and are contained in Appendix B of this report. Since sites were located through a combination of field reconnaissance, historical documentation, oral history and property owner interviews, the specific mechanisms by which sites were located vary widely. In many cases cemeteries were located and described precisely while in other instances the only information available was that cemeteries were located "behind the old barn" or "up on that ridge somewhere." Sites located only through written documentation such as deeds or recorded plots were also a problem and necessitated a generalized site location to be drawn on site farms.
The following is a list of criteria which was used to define sites and to locate sites on quadrangle sheets for site form preparation
- Presence of tombstones with names and dates
- Presence of tombstones with no names or information
- Surface features indicative of a cemetery such as rows of stones, patterned depressions, or disturbed terrain suggestive of burials
- Proximate physical evidence such as land lying adjacent to churches [or] to family cemeteries
- Personal testimony of individuals who either attended a funeral or helped to bury the deceased
- Personal testimony of individuals who recall seeing tombstones or other markers which are since removed 
- Personal testimony of property owners who can recount from oral tradition the presence of cemeteries
- The notation of cemeteries in personal dairies or family bibles
- Those cemeteries listed in current Jefferson County Tax Maps
- Those cemeteries listed in the 1934 or 1981 "Tombstone Books" or in the original field notes of that project.
- Those cemeteries noted in deed records on plots
- Those cemeteries noted in deed descriptions but not on plots
- Those cemeteries noted in church land transactions
- Those cemeteries noted in death certificates
- Records of slaves buried at a given farm or property
- Records of slave deaths at a given property (1853-60 only)
- Records of slave owning plantations under a single families[y's] control for 50 years and confirmation of farm site using historical maps
The use of these 17 criteria in various combinations allowed for the location of cemeteries to varying degrees of accuracy. In only a few instances was just a single criteria used, and most sites were documented using at least 3 criteria. Site locations were sometimes generalized to an area surrounding an obvious feature (such as the main house) due to lack of precise locations. In virtually all farm sites visited there were other archaeological resources clearly visible such as surface features or artifacts scattered so these site farms are actually  representative of more than purely cemetery sites. Pre-Civil War farms and plantations have tremendous archaeologic potential and most are potentially eligible for the National Register of Historic Places even without the presence of cemeteries on their property.
In some instances, site forms were prepared on non-cemetery sites due to their significance to black history. For this report, those sites have been included as long as they fit the general theme of the African-American experience such as slave quarters or ruins of free black houses. Other sites such as prehistoric sites, industrial sites, or other historic sites of potential archaeological value were recorded on site forms but are not included in this report.
Many black cemeteries from the post-Civil War period were located and documented only to later find that they are clearly marked on the 1978 topographic maps. Site forms on these properties (approximately 20) were not prepared since they appear on modern maps and would, therefore, be somewhat protected from inadvertent destruction or accidental impact. Many of the sites known to the African-American community today are these clearly marked sites. Only those sites (including white family cemeteries) which do not appear on the current maps were candidates for the completion of state site forms.
During the course of the project, numerous small white family cemeteries were located and documented to have slave components either inside or adjacent to the white graves. Site  forms were prepared on these cemeteries and were generally listed as "white family with slave component."
<a name="Chap15">Known Black-Initiated Cemeteries</a>
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A number of black-initiated cemeteries are located in Jefferson County which date from the second half of the 19th century to present. Those cemeteries are currently listed on modern topographic maps, but are not listed by name. While these are not "unmarked cemeteries" by legislative definition, they deserve mention due to the historical relevance and importance to the local African-American community. Many of these cemeteries are community-based and center around early reconstruction-period villages.
While this is not a complete listing of all cemeteries, it provides a basic cross section of known black-initiated sites from the county.
1. Cedar Hill Cemetery #1, Harper's Ferry, WV
(Note: This should not be confused with Bolivar Cemetery, as listed in "Tombstone Inscriptions." pp. 18-21)
2. Rippon Cemetery, Rippon, WV
No record of Rippon Cemetery in "Tombstone Inscriptions"
3. James Prosperity Baptist Church Cemetery, Jamestown, WV. Used from at least 1946 with the burial of John Hunter and 1977 with the burial of Alice Underwood (as of 1979 ). As of July 30, 1990 , site (150 X 215 sq. ft., according to current county tax maps) Middleway district, Tap Map #29, Parcel #6. "Tombstone Inscriptions", p. 265 shows markers for eleven people with surnames of Doleman, Harris, Hunter, Mason, Moats, Pendleton, Underwood, as of 1979 .
Location: South on Rte 13 from Summit Point, turn left onto Rte. 2, 1600 feet, turn left on private road, 700 feet down the road.
4. Johnstown Cemetery. Supervised by the Johnson family and descendants that meet every August at the site, headed by Jerry Johnson from Newark, NJ (?), markers as of 1979 , the earliest being for George W. Johnson (d. 9/19/1878 ) (Source: "Tombstone Inscriptions", pp. 206-207). Surnames on markers are: Adams, Bailey, Bender, Berry, Black, Brown, Byers, Clay, Creamer, Davenport, Doleman, Douglas, Drew, Enicks, Ferguson, Fox, Gray, Green, Jackson, Johnson (18), Jones, Lee, Lewis, Owens, Page, Payne, Pendleton, Phillips, Ranson, Roper, Sample, Shorts, Smallwood, Smith, Stanton, Stevenson, Stewart, Strother, Summers, Timbers, Togans, Walker, Ward, Winston and Young. Unmarked burials include at least those of Leroy Hester (d. 7/30/52) and "Newman infant" (d. 1/15/51 ).
Location: North on Rte. 8 from Rte. 15, left onto Rte. 1/4, 1200 feet on south side of Rte. 1/4 (Source: County tax maps, Middleway district tax maps #10, parcel 8 (for the church)
Location: North side of Rte. 340, right turn going south after Page Jackson School, leading to a cluster of about six houses. Immediately beyond the houses on right side of the unpaved road is the cemetery. According to Doug Taylor of Charles Town, the first section of the cemetery entering the site contains the oldest burial sites.
6. Kearneysville Methodist Cemetery (Also called "Boyd Carter Memorial Cemetery" inaccurately, which is adjacent.)
Kearneysville Methodist Cemetery (Note: Not the Boyd Carter Memorial Cemetery, which is adjacent.) "Tombstone Inscriptions," p. 22 has thirty-six markers as of 1979 with burying dates as early as 1917 (Rachel Briscoe) to 1976 ("Allen infant"). Surnames include Carey, Carter, Fletcher, Jackson, King, McDowell, McNair, Perry, Ratliff, Stubbs, Turner, Warrick, Alden, Allen, Briscoe, Burden, Campbell, Ferguson, Ford, Goens, Head, King, Lockey, McDowell, Ross, Splown, Twyman, Waters and Winston. Note: 1850 "Slave Schedules" and Census indicated freed black Kearneysville family "Goens." Also two of the church's founding trustees - William A. Ross and William Goens - are buried there. (Source: Ibid. p. 22) Deed Book 107, P. 328 (January 9, 1912 ) representatives of Stewart Methodist Episcopal Church acquired the church site from William Stewart and is described exactly in Deed Book U. p. 304. Location: (Directions same as to Boyd Carter Memorial Cemetery which is adjacent. Note: "Tombstone Inscriptions," p. 22 described the Kearneysville Methodist Cemetery as only an unnamed cemetery "adjacent to Boyd- Carter"). On the east side of B & O Railroad, on Rte. 48-3, 1400 feet north of Rte. 48-3 and Rte. 9 intersection. To cemetery, turn right onto private road just beyond the church. Cemetery on property of Garnet E. Payne, Rte. 2, Box __, Kearneysville, WV and abutting Jefferson Orchard. (Source: Middleway district tax map #4, Parcel #3). 7. Boyd-Carter Memorial Cemetery. "Tombstone Inscriptions", p. 22 has fifteen markers as of 1979 with burying dates from 1952 (Tom Fletcher) to 1978 (Robert Lee Carey). Surnames: Carey, Carter, Fletcher, Jackson, King, McDowell, McNair, Perry, Ratliff, Stubbs, Turner and Warrick. Death certificate for Terry Grant King (d. 1957 ); is buried in Boyd-Carter yet is listed perhaps incorrectly as being in "Kearneysville Methodist Cemetery"). 8. Site of black Baptist Church (probably destroyed). According to C.B. Musser's Two Hundred Years of the History of Shepherdstown, (p. 14): Another church that has passed from memory of local people was the old colored church in which the slaves attended divine worship. This was located on the southeast corner of Church and Rock Streets, and was destroyed by fire during the War Between The States. When this was erected is unknown, but it was also of early history and it was constructed of logs. This site is lot No. 73 on the town plat and is not listed as being owned by any party, nor is the house and lot immediately south of it,  according to present County Land Books. It is a rocky, wooded section on a slight hillside overlooking the Shepherd College athletic field. The presence of rock outcroppings might suggest an undisturbed state. Possibility of burials beneath it is corroborated by Washington County black historian Marguerite Doleman's assertion that leading members of the Ebenezer AME Church in Hagerstown, founded in 1838 (or 1818 ) were buried beneath the church. 9. Kearneysville Church (colored) Baptist and Cemetery. Founded June 11, 1884 by that name (Deed Book A, p. 382 and Deed Book N, pp. 25-26). Cemetery's earliest burial was 1889 and latest 1969 as of 1979 (the publication date of "Tombstone Inscriptions") site, which has twenty-one markers with surnames Bird, Brady, Brown, Hart, Jackson, Lucas (5 Harts and & Lucases), is rectangular with irregularities in its two long sides creating seven actual sides (147 x 39 x 114 x 61 x 135 x 158 x 97 feet). According to Middleway district tax map No. 30, parcel No. 14, it is located on east side of Rte. 9, 1200 feet west of B & O Railroad track, 5,600 feet north of Rte. 9 & 48-3 intersection. Deed book N, p. 26 (August 10, 1883) indicates that Doug Roper, David Washington, Sr., Ben Carter, John Fox and George Mason of the second part paid $25 to George Fox, George Mason, and George Johnson of the Colored Baptist Church, Kearneysville for a one-quarter acre parcel (18.6 x 35 feet) to "own equal parts to used as a graveyard by them and their assigns." The site was fronted by Doug Roper (north), Colored Baptist Church (east), George Mason (south), and Edward Roberts (west). 10. Ebenezer Methodist Church Cemetery. A triangular piece of land (110 x 485 x 505 sq. ft.) listed as being owned by the trustees of the Ebenezer Methodist Church in present land books. Located west side of Rte. 1 (south Queen Street, Middleway) on a triangular parcel created by the angle of merging Rte. 1 and Rte. 1-16. According to Deed Book A, p. 217, Thomas McKemit (?), Samuel Roman, Carter Roman, Mansfield Russ, and Matthew Payne paid $40 to Sam and Eliza Roman for this site "to be used as a burying ground or graveyard for the colored people." Presently very overgrown with trees and vegetation, according to investigators Angela Shearer, Suzanne Pifer, and Lynn Murray. Not noted in "Tombstone Inscriptions" and was not an active cemetery according to county burial and death certificates from 1951 to 1956 . The Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society (December, 1980), p 19: The negroes in the south part of town settled and there erected two frame churches, the Free Will Baptist and African Methodist Episcopal Church. Baptizings were held in the mill race and camp meetings in the woods behind the churches. The one burial  ground served both churches. 11. Mt. Pleasant AME Church Cemetery has markers and records for burials in its cemetery for fifteen burials from 1951 -1956 and 1968 -1979 with records of burials from 1956 -1968 available. According to Deed Book 5, p. 411 (February 3, 1870 , the Mt. Pleasant AME Church was founded on lot No. 1 on plat of Mt. Pleasant for $85 paid by church representatives George Ranson, Charles E. Wheeler, Franklin Rockenbaugh, John Thornton, and Adrian D. Berry to John J. and Mary E. Grantham, containing one acre. Buried at Mt. Pleasant: Elsie Carter, b. 1885 , d. 4/13/1978 , b. Summit Pt. Father: James Allen, Mother: Elizabeth Hall Elmer Mason Payton, b. 1/25/1901 , d. 3/8/1977 , b. Virginia Father: James Henry Payton, Mother: Icey Payton Icy Payton, d. 10/6/51 , aged 56 years Willis Taylor, d. 11/29/51 , aged 48 years (worked Halltown Paperboard) Julia Eidier, d. 12/16/51 Tom Doleman, d. 4/5/52 (of Berryville) Lillian Berry, d. 2/21/52 , aged 70 years David Lee Price, b. 12/29/1953 , d. 12/19/1975 Father: John D. Payton, Mother: Gloria Mae Price Curry - infant son b. 7/19/73 d. 7/20/73 Father: Howard B. Curry, Mother: Helen Cook (Summit Pt.) Harry Gilbert Berry, b. 1/21/1921 , d. 10/25/1974 Father: Harry Berry, Mother: Lillian Williams Theodore Roosevelt Payton, b. 2/10/1930 , d. 6/4/1972 , b. in Rippon Father: James Henry Payton, Mother: Georgeanne Payton Alonzo Green, b. 1/25/1937 , d. 4/25/1980 , b. Wildwood, FL Father: Mose Green, of S. Carolina, Mother: Lillie Mae Davis, of FL Lucy Ellen Dixson, b. 3/6/1880 , d. 12/14/1971 Father: James Allen, Mother: Elizabeth Johnson Saral Katrina Grimes, b. 12/14/1917 , d. 9/23/1968 Father: Isaiah Coleman, Mother: Bessie Berry James Henry Payton, b. 1/2/1929 , d. 12/28/1968 (See "Elmer M. Payton") Mother: Lavinia Payton 12. Locust Grove or Franklintown Cemetery (Former name in Tax records), later in "Tombstone Inscriptions," p. 246, Thirty-two markers with burial from 1936 (Harriett Bray) to 1978 (Doris Willis) include surnames: Bailey, Berry, Bray, Bruce, Bunny, Butler, Burns, Cooper, Doleman, Grimes, Hall, Howard, Jones, Johnson, Lee, Lewis, Lockey, Robinson, Smith, Stevenson, Walker, Willis and Wilson. It is located according to Kabletown district tax map no. 19A, parcel No. 31, on the east side of Rte. 19-1, 2800 feet north of Rte. 19-1 and Rte. 340-1 intersection (north site [side] of  Franklintown), owned by "Locust Grove trustees". Details of deaths and names are given in "Tombstone Inscriptions, p. 246. 13. Savannah Baptist Cemetery or Sylvanna Baptist Cemetery, Myerstown (Former in tax records, latter in death certificates) has forty-six markers, the earliest in 1950 (Connie Robinson) to the present and includes the surnames: Baltimore, Berry, Butler, Carey, Davenport, Doleman, Douglas, Green, Harris, Jackson, Jones, King, Lum, Malcombe, Newman, Newton, Puller, Robinson, Russ, Taylor, Thomas, Tracy, Twyman, Wilson, and Yates. Located on Rte. 21, north side, 1,000 feet west of Rte. 25 and Rte. 21 intersection. Source: Kabletown district tax map no. 9, parcel No. 10. Details of names and dates of births and are in "Tombstone Inscriptions" p. 295. While the vast majority of marked graves from these cemeteries are from the post 1880 period, there is a possibility that earlier unmarked components exist at many sites. Deed searches on several properties where known cemeteries exist show that they were once part of land parcels owned by large slaveholders. There is some reason to believe that some black-initiated cemeteries may have begun as slave cemeteries prior to the Civil War and that they were re-used as later community cemeteries at a much later date. While this is highly speculative, land surrounding these cemeteries should be carefully evaluated for graves prior to disturbance. 
<a name="Chap16">General Results: Sites located</a>
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A total of 79 cemetery and black history-related sites were located during the 1990-91 survey. This was one of those projects where the resource base was so vast that the project was simply stopped due to time considerations. Slave and family  cemeteries on pre-Civil War farms are so common that documentation of these sites alone would be a multi-year venture. While the documentary ground work is now laid for a much more comprehensive survey of plantation based cemetery sites, this project was only able to locate a small proportion of the cemeteries for the pre-1880 period. Given that more than 1,000 farms had slaves at some time prior to 1850 , it is possible that almost an equal number have some type of cemetery on their property today.
The following list provides a brief outline of the sites located during the survey, listed by site number. Appendix B of this report provides a more detailed site description as well as a site map for all properties. These properties have been assigned official state site numbers beginning with the prefix "46-JF-" (for Jefferson County, WV) and the numbers 93 through 183.
46-JF-93 Springwood Slave Quarters - ruins of a slave quarters on the historic James Markell Farm. The 1850 and 1860 census reports 10 and 11 slaves respectively for the Markell household.
46-JF-94 Markell/Swearingen Cemetery - Slave cemetery with possible white component associated with the James Markell family. (Deed Book 3, page 489) lists the names of 25 enslaved people on the property at that time.)
 46-JF-95 Swearingen-Bennett-White family cemetery with slave quarters and a possible slave component. Previous owner Harry Shepherd reported 35 and 36 slaves in 1850 and 1860 . One slave death reported in 1854 .
46-JF-96 Boydston Slave Cemetery - about ten stones, located in a copse of trees in the middle of an apple orchard that was abandoned in the late 1940's , about a hundred yards from the main house. Includes a tombstone for "Emily Brown." It reads "Died July 17, 1861 , three years, ten months, and five days. Though but a child and of African descent, she was beloved and missed by all who knew her." The property was owned by the Shepherd family at that time. Thomas Boydston had five slaves, according to the 1790 tax rolls. R.D. Shepherd owned 6 slaves in 1860 .
46-JF-97 Van Sant Cemetery - White family cemetery with a slave component. Tom Van Sant reported owning three slaves in the 1850 census. Slave graves marked by stones are outside the family plot. Two legible markers and fiver illegible markers are inside a fenced area. Marked graves include Richard Van Sant (died October 26, 1838 ) and Mary Van Sant (died August, 1822 ).
46-JF-98 Chapline Cemetery - White cemetery with 25 markers and a slave component associated with Isaac and James  Chapline.
46-JF-99 Turner (Meadow Farm) Cemetery - White cemetery associated with Revolutionary War soldier Tom Turner with probable slave component. Main house has historic value.
46-JF-100 "Graveyard field" - a 20 acre site located 200 yards south of Martinsburg Road, opposite the main house of the McQuilkin farm, now owned and occupied by Cooper McQuilkin. Mr McQuilkin said the field has at least one primitive burial marker. The field is shown on a plat in Deed Book 30, Page 198 (May 27, 1848 ). Willoughby Lemen's diary notes May 1, 1857 : "Planting corn on graveyard field." Elsewhere he states burying a person, but [does] not specify if it is in this field. According to county death certificates, Alfred Jackson Orndorff died December 11, 1951 , 85 years, and was buried in "Old Field." The Orndorff family owned this site in the 19th century. They also had five slaves according to 1850 Slave Schedules.
46-JF-102 Rose Hill Cemetery #2 - Black community cemetery in Shepherdstown dating from late 19th century  46-JF-103 Shepherdstown AME Cemetery - Black cemetery active from 1870's to 1913 located in a residential neighborhood on the west side of Shepherdstown.
46-JF-104 Trinity Mt. Pleasant Baptist Church Cemetery - According to Deed Book B, Page 78 (October 10, 186510/1/1865), $80 was paid by "trustees for the burial ground for the colored congregations" for land that is described contradictorily, using lot numbers applying to lots at the southeast corner of Shepherdstown and citing boundaries of the property that are streets and alleys at the northwest corner of Shepherdstown. Conversations with lifetime residents at the northwest corner of town location indicate that a church existed on part of the described site there before 1910 which was called either the Paradise Valley Baptist Church, or according to current tax records, Trinity Mt. Pleasant Baptist Church. The site is lot No. 199 on High Street (Map 2, Parcel 49). At the site is a tombstone that reads "'Aunt Kitty', Catherine Baggles, Died October 31, 1876 at 76 years of age. Well done thou go faithful servant, enter now unto the Joy of the Lord."
46-JF-105 Rosehill Cemetery #1 - Tax Map 3, Parcel 45 shows land adjacent to the Dutch Reformed Church was plotted as a black community cemetery. It is unknown if the cemetery was ever used.
 46-JF-106 "Old Negro Burying Ground" - Black cemetery discussed in a legal document in 1812 which describes it as "old" at that time. This is probably a cemetery for industrial or domestic slaves from Shepherdstown.
46-JF-107 Bedford Cemetery and House Site - Pre-Civil War house site with Bedinger family cemetery and slave component. The Bedinger's had a long history of slave ownership. One slave death is recorded in 1858 when E.J. Lee owned the property.
46-JF-109 Lucas Cemetery - White family cemetery with possible slave component. This property has a long slave history with higher than average slave mortality.
46-JF-110 Elmwood Slave Cemetery - Slave cemetery with possible white component. Robert Lucas, the property owner in 1850 , reported 28 slaves to the census taker and 34 in 1860 . Five slave deaths are documented from 1853 -60 .
 46-JF-111 Hendricks-Buckles-Osbourn Cemetery - White family cemetery with unmarked (probably slave) component. See Tombstone Inscription Book, pg. 23. This property is reported to have had slaves as late as 1860 .
46-JF-112 Snyder Cemetery - White family cemetery with possible slave component. Abraham Snyder's will of July 18, 1869 , requests an enlargement of an older cemetery and the removal of remains to a new location. Thirteen family markers are present on the site. The Snyder family had slaves as late as 1860 .
46-JF-117 York Hill Cemetery - Slave cemetery adjacent to white family cemetery with slave quarters near the main house.
46-JF-119 Ronemus-Darke Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component.
46-JF-120 Ridenour Cemetery - White family cemetery with possible slave component.
46-JF-121 Manning Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component and standing slave quarters near the site.
46-JF-122 Hart-Daniels [Cemetery] - White family cemetery with slave component and with remnants of earlier domestic structure.
46-JF-123 Reedson AME Cemetery - Black cemetery associated with previous AME church. Church ruins believed to be near the cemetery with potential for some burials under the church.
46-JF-124 Butler-Harris-Moore (Level Green) Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component. Thirty-eight markers present in the cemetery with an adjacent unmarked component.
46-JF-125 Showalter Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component. Six markers with unmarked slave graves somewhere near main residence.
46-JF-126 Engle/Bowman Cemeteries - 2 adjacent white cemeteries with possible slave component. Standing slave quarters on property.
46-JF-127 Yates Cemetery - White family cemetery probably associated with Col. Francis Yates which contains a slave component.
46-JF-128 Flowing Springs Farm Cemetery - Black cemetery possibly associated with a previous slave cemetery.
46-JF-129 Mordington/Happy Retreat - possible cemetery - Footnote No. 28 of Millard Bushong's master's thesis on the Washington family. "The following version in this regard is interesting: Mrs. Thomas Brown, whose father's first wife was a Hammond, born at Happy Retreat, reports: 'I remember when I was a school girl, under fifteen, I stayed at Mordington (sic Happy Retreat) with the Douglass family, and there used to be [a] walk to the left of the house - towards town - which led to a fence and over the fence was [a] knoll, on which there were four wooden posts with some boards nailed to them which were black with age.'" At another time in a letter to Miss Virginia Lewis Litchell of Charles Town, Mrs. Brown wrote: "Old Mrs. Hammond said her husband told her that he (Charles Washington) was buried on the site of the hill, that the grave was walled with brick, but she nor her children knew not where." Two sites for one buried person suggest additional cemetery land, possibly including slave burial sites, in light of the fact that the Washington family had in both 1790 and 1840 a number of slaves that put their family in the top three families in Jefferson County in terms of slaves held.
46-JF-130 Payne Hill Cemetery - Located according to county resident, James Taylor, and by direct observation, immediately behind a used car salvage yard immediately west  of the Shipley School on the north side of Route 340. The cemetery is a square site of uneven ground and monoculture grasses with a row of trees separating it from the school's property. Mr. Taylor remembers attending a funeral there of a family member named Smith in 1955 . He said other members of his mother's family with surnames of Nicholls and Dotsen had been buried there. Ernest Lewis of Bolivar states that a Leroy McDaniel is buried there. The name was ascertained from death certificates from the early 1950's . (Augusta Allison, died July 29, 1955 , is buried there.)
46-JF-132 "Belvedere" - Slave cemetery on property with a long slave history. Two slave deaths are recorded on a property which averaged 20 slaves + for a 40 year period.
 46-JF-134 Mt. Hammond Cemetery - White Little family cemetery with slave component. This property has a long history of slave ownership.
46-JF-135 Heflebower Cemetery - White family cemetery with possible slave component.
46-JF-136 Wormley Cemetery - "The Rocks" - White family cemetery with slave component.
46-JF-137 Beeler/Isler Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component. This property has a very long slave history and is recorded to have unmarked graves near historic farm complex.
46-JF-138 Mooring Cemetery - White cemetery associated with the Muse and Lewis families with slave component. This property had an average of 20 slaves for more than a 40 year period.
46-JF-139 Blackburn/Isbell/Wortley Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component.
 46-JF-140 Long Meadow Cemetery - Slave cemetery probably associated with the Throckmorton family. Slave quarters are still standing on the property. Near the main house is the site of a circa 1814 residence.
46-JF-141 Smith Slave Cemetery - Slave cemetery probably associated with the Smith family.
46-JF-142 West Shenstone - Slave quarters and other features associated with the Ambrose Timberlake family. A slave cemetery is likely somewhere on this property.
46-JF-143 Shenstone - White family cemetery with slave component. Slave quarters associated with main house.
46-JF-144 Bell/Fry/Bear Garden Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component. This property has historical significance because it was the slave home of Martin Delaney's father.
46-JF-145 Grantham (Tudor Hall) Cemetery - White family cemetery (associated with the Granthan[m] family) with slave component. Slave quarters are still standing and associated with the main house.
46-JF-146 White House Farm Cemetery #1 - probably a white cemetery associated with the McCormack family with possible slave component.
46-JF-147 White House Farm Cemetery #2 - unknown cemetery, possibly slave.
46-JF-148 Mt. Ellen - Property contains unmarked graves of the Davenport family and slaves. Two standing slave quarters and other features are associated with the main house.
46-JF-149 Dust Cemetery - White family cemetery with 7 markers and known slave deaths on the property.
46-JF-150 Elmwood on the Opequon Slave Cemetery - Slave cemetery probably associated with the Anthony Kennedy family. A stone from the McMurran family was once located nearby suggesting this may be a mixed slave and family site.
46-JF-151 Roxley/Coyle Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component.
46-JF-152 Poor Farm Cemetery - Cemetery associated with the county poor farm containing both black and white individuals in unmarked graves.
46-JF-153 Tabb Slave Cemetery - Slave cemetery of unknown association. Slave quarters are associated with the house now owned by David Bell, and a blacksmith shop is said to have been nearby.
46-JF-154 Springdale Slave Cemetery - Slave cemetery of unknown association. Given the proximity to 46-JF-153 it is probable that one or both of these cemeteries contains a white family cemetery. Slave quarters are reported near the main house.
46-JF-155 O'Bannon Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component. Three marked tombstones are present on the property. At least 2 slave deaths are recorded for the property.
46-JF-156 Prato Rio - Slave quarters and a slave cemetery are reported for this property and are probably associated with the slaves of Jacob Hite. Slave quarters are known to have been on the property.
46-JF-157 New Hopewell Cemetery #1 - Unmarked slave cemetery probably associated with the Hite family.
 46-JF-158 New Hopewell Cemetery #2 - White Hite/Tabb family cemetery with slave component. Slave quarters and numerous features present near the main house. There is a high probability that a second cemetery is somewhere near this one.
46-JF-159 Medley Springs/Hidden River Cemetery - White family (Willis) cemetery with probable slave component.
46-JF-160 Bower Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component. Three slave deaths are recorded for the property. Adam Dandridge reported 25, 41, and 80 slaves in 1840 , 1850 and 1860 respectively.
46-JF-161 St. George's Chapel/Poor farm Cemetery - Early church cemetery later used as a poor farm cemetery.
 46-JF-164 Prospect Hall Cemetery - One or two white family cemeteries associated with the Edwards and Hunsicker families both of which may have slave components.
46-JF-165 Southwood/McSherry/Kerney - Unmarked cemetery probably associated with Revolutionary War soldier John Frieze and the slaves of the McSherry and Kearney families.
46-JF-166 Pleasance/Walper Cemetery - White family cemetery with unmarked (probably slave) component. Members of the Engle, Myers and Walper families are buried here.
46-JF-167 White Rocks/Lemen Farm Cemetery - White family cemetery with possible slave component.
46-JF-168 Border/Gibbons Cemetery - White family cemetery associated with Gibbons family.
46-JF-169 Traveler's Rest / Gates - Strider Cemetery - Probably associated with the Gates or Strider families.
46-JF-170 Collingswood - White family cemetery with slave component. Members of the Hurst, Hudspeth, Gunnell, and O'Neal families are buried here.
 46-JF-171 "Willow View"/ Blackford Slave Cemetery - Slave cemetery associated with the Blackford family. Thirteen gravesites marked with limestone pieces are present on this site.
46-JF-172 "Willowview"/ Blackford Cemetery #2 - White family cemetery with 7 markers from the Blackford family. A slave component is very possible at this site in addition to 46-JF-171.
46-JF-173 - Crane/ Dolly Varden Slave Cemetery - A slave cemetery is very probably on the grounds of this historic slave owning plantation.
46-JF-174 - Locust Grove/Logie Cemetery - Family cemetery possibly associated with the Butler family or their slaves.
46-JF-175 "Eastwood"/ Gantt/ Humphreys - Possible cemetery of Gantt family on a property which was an early major slaveholding plantation.
46-JF-176 "Woodlawn"/ Abell - Two slave deaths are recorded on this property which has a long slave owning history. A slave cemetery is likely to occur near the main house.
 46-JF-177 Vestal Hall - Ruins of a major slave holding plantation house with high probability of an early slave cemetery surrounding the residence.
46-JF-178 Hawthorne/"Locust Grove" Cemetery - White family cemetery with slave component possibly associated with the Thompson family.
46-JF-179 Richwood Hall Cemetery - White cemetery associated with the Slaughter and Flagg families and their slaves. One slave death is recorded in 1858 on this property with a long slave owning tradition.
46-JF-180 "Barleywood" McPherson Cemetery - Historic plantation ruins with possible McPherson family cemetery with a slave component.
46-JF-182 White Woods Cemetery - Black cemetery which contains ancestors of the Ernest Lewis family and others.
46-JF-183 Zeke Wilson Cemetery - Black cemetery used in the 1920's which had at least six marked gravesites in 1928. Oral history accounts have this cemetery active no later than 1930 , but it is unclear as to the earliest use date for this property.
These ninety (90) sites are described in greater detail in the West Virginia Archaeological Site Forms which can be found in Appendix B of this report. The site forms describe these properties by time period, cultural affiliation, and specific geographic location within the county. Topographic maps are also included with each site form and these properties are labeled clearly by their "46-JF" number.
Original field notes from this project are also on file in the Archaeological Laboratory at Shepherd College. These notes often contain information not found either on the site forms or in this report, especially in regards to the census and tax records for each historic residence located nearby a cemetery or other site. Inquiries into the specifics of each site may be directed to Dr. Charles Hulse at Shepherd College.
<a name="Chap17">Mid 19th Century Slaveholding Plantations and Farms Identified</a>
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More than 200 individual properties have been identified which have a very high probability of containing a slave cemetery and/or archaeological resources important to African American heritage. The majority of these properties have documented slave death(s) between 1853 -60 (the only years of record keeping), and most have histories of multiple-generation slaveownership.
While this listing is not a comprehensive inventory of all slaveholding properties from the county, it is a representative cross section of properties which are best documented for the mid 19th century from available primary documents. Using the 1850 and 1860 population census, the 1852 S. Howell Brown Map, the death records for slaves from 1856 -1860 , and miscellaneous other scattered sources, these properties are known to have had significant numbers of slaves in the period just prior to the Civil War. Of those farms which still held slaves in 1850 , this list contains approximately 80% of all properties with more than 5 slaves.
The significance of this list is that a documentary case can be made for a slave cemetery to be present on each property listed below. While archaeological site forms were not prepared  on these properties, they should be treated with extreme care until site visits and further research can be conducted. 'Any development within 1,000 feet of the main historic residences of these properties should be preceded with a Phase I Survey and additional documentary research.
The following compilation focuses chiefly on persons who owned given sites in Jefferson County at the time the county map of 1852 was drawn by S. Howell Brown and were owners of enslaved persons who died at that site between January 1, 1853 and December 31, 1860 , as listed in records in the Jefferson County Courthouse, Charles Town, WV. Although considerable documentation exists for greater numbers of enslaved persons at many of these sites, especially between 1810 and 1840 , this record places the highest priority on known deaths of identified enslaved persons as the strongest documentary support of possible slave cemeteries on studied properties.
This compilation began with a review of holders of enslaved persons in the 1850 Census. This list was matched to site owners as shown on the 1852 map. The 1850 Census was restudied to determine if more than one slave holder lived at one site, and to recognize potential errors caused, for example, by the appearance of two slave/land holders with the same name. The exact location of the site shown on the 1852 map was reviewed carefully with the S. Howell Brown map of 1883 , the map of the county prepared in 1914 by the U.S. Geological Survey, which shows sites of homes on farms and the Shaw-Whitmer map of 1928 showing the county with  farm and former plantation names. These farm names provide an additional cross-check in accurately identifying old farms with lengthy slave histories. Sites were reconfirmed with currently used Topographical maps. All these maps were compared to the county's tax maps, updated to July 31, 1989 . Where the site of the home might conceivably be located on either of two adjacent parcels, once both part of the 1852 farm site, both are given. In some cases the original 1852 farm has been separated into many small fragments as shown by the listing of multiple property owners.
"CTd, KTd, HFd, Sd, and Md," refer to tax maps for Charles Town, Kabeltown, Harpers Ferry, Shepherdstown, and Middleway districts respectively.
A second, but no less valuable, purpose for this listing is that it creates a strong foundation for a future archaeological survey of Pre-Civil War farms and plantations for the county. The large majority of the listed properties are potentially eligible for the National Register of Historic Places either as archaeological sites or due to their architectural and historical significance.
This list contains the properties of the wealthiest agricultural class of county residents for the first half of the 19th century. The inherent bias in this compilation is that mid to late 18th century sites are not necessarily included in the list, and that is heavily weighted to the elite of the county.
<a name="Chap18">Slave Cemetery Locations</a>
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A 1000' radius catchment analysis was performed on 12 slave cemetery sites which were documented with physical features, historical sources, and property owner testimony. While many sites had less documentation using the 17 previously described criteria, it was decided to use only those sites which met the greatest number of criteria would be used in the catchment analysis. Therefore, the results of this analysis was based on a sample of approximately 15% of the total slave cemetery population.
The following is a brief overview of the results of the catchment analysis:
1. Cemeteries are generally located in close proximity to the main farmhouse occupied in 1852 . The average distance of cemetery to house was 415 feet with both median and mode of 400 feet. This finding is significant since farmhouses are well documented on early maps and can be easily found during routine archaeological survey. While cemeteries vary in compass direction from the main house, in 75% of the cases the cemeteries were found on ground 20-40 feet higher than the house.
2. When other cemeteries (such as white family plots) are present on the property they are generally found in close proximity to the slave cemetery. In approximately 70% of the cases the slaves were known to be buried in unmarked graves either inside or adjacent to the family plot. In some instances, graves were marked with simple pieces of unshaped limestone, but these were the exception rather than the rule.
3. In approximately 30% of the cases, slaves were buried in close proximity to known slave quarters. At many of these same properties there is also a slave component to white family plots. This suggests there are really two different cemetery patterns operating - 1) where domestic slaves (possibly predominantly female) are buried close to the white families and the main residence of the owners and 2) where agricultural laborers are buried closer to their slave residences rather than to their white owners. When two cemeteries are documented for a given property, they averaged a distance of 612 feet apart.
4. Slave cemeteries are located an average of 366 feet from a main driveway, and an average of 616 feet from a major circa 1852 road. The close proximity to these features is probably a matter of logistics since this would facilitate the transportation of the body to the resting place. The distance from early roads is also most likely more a result of the distance a house is set back from the circa 1852 road, than the use of the road to transport the dead.
5. Slave cemeteries are located an average of 403 feet from a  water source such as a spring or small run. This is primarily due to the fact that houses were intentionally located with[in] a short distance of water sources rather than any intent on the part of the living to associate graves with water. In roughly 2/3 of the cases, the cemeteries were located uphill from the main house which was also further from the local water source.
6. All slave cemeteries are located on properties which also have a well documented slave presence from tax or census records. In all cases the property owners were known to have owned at least 5 slaves for at least a 30 year period. While this is confirming the obvious, it also provides a cross check on the veracity of the current property owners.
7. There is no association between either black or white cemeteries and soil type or natural vegetation. There is some evidence that white family cemeteries are located close to historic gardens or orchards, usually to the rear of the main residence.
<a name="Chap19">Free Black Cemetery Locations</a>
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Black cemeteries from the Reconstruction and Modern periods were all located from historical records such as tax maps or from interviews with local residents. In a large percentage of the cases, these cemeteries are associated with sites of previous  churches or church congregations. No detailed catchment analysis of these sites was performed since the proximity to churches is an obvious overwhelming factor in site location. The large majority of post-Civil War black cemeteries in the county are shown on the 1978 topographic maps, and are not represented in the site form contained in Appendix B.
In very general terms the earliest free black cemeteries are associated with churches begun by freed slaves in the post 1840 period. Small communities grew around donated parcels of land and churches were erected by the black congregations soon after the "town" formation. By the late 1860's , both AME (African Methodist Episcopal) and Baptist churches dotted both urban and rural portions of Jefferson County. The earliest cemeteries are normally located in close proximity to these churches--many of which are still active today.
Much later in the Depression and post-Depression periods, it appears that a number of "free standing" black cemeteries were created without specific affiliation with a specific church or congregation. These cemeteries were also often unmarked with the Payne Hill Cemetery (46-JF-130) an example of this type. These cemeteries were generally located on the outskirts of predominantly black towns or near predominantly black neighborhoods. The reasons for their formation in any specific location is probably more a function of accessibility and land value than any other factor directly associated with the black community. There is a possibility that some of these cemeteries  are associated with earlier slave cemeteries or slave-owning plantations and farms.
While the search for modern cemeteries will continue, it is doubtful that more than 10-20 additional cemeteries from the post 1870 period will be located. Cemeteries from that period are larger and generally well known to the public and a large number are active today.
<a name="Chap20">Recommendations for Future Survey Strategies</a>
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If the goal is to locate and protect cemeteries in Jefferson County, additional research will be needed on both white and black cemeteries associated with pre-Civil War farms and plantations. While some cemeteries of the post 1860 period may still exist, they are few in number compared to family and slave cemeteries of the pre-1860 years. There is some evidence to suggest that as many as 800 early family and slave cemeteries are still unaccounted for in the county, as opposed to only 20 or 30 modern cemeteries that are likely to exist.
While the location of all early unmarked cemeteries may prove to be an impossible task, a large majority can immediately be located in a very general sense by predictive modeling. A survey which would locate all pre 1860 farms and plantation houses would also "capture" the cemeteries given their close proximity as shown in this study. If these properties are individually researched, then those historic owners can be cross referenced with slave ownership. In this way, farms where slave  cemeteries are most likely to exist can be clearly identified and protected. Likewise, if the burial place of previous owners is not established using tombstone inscription data, then those properties are also prime candidates for family cemeteries somewhere on the property.
<a name="Chap21">Articulation with Local Government</a>
The rapid industrial, commercial and residential development of the county is the single largest threat to archaeological resources in the Eastern Panhandle. A clear need exists to involve local planning agencies in a survey and planning effort beyond the standard Section 106 compliance procedures. The development of close and cordial working arrangement between the Division of Culture and History, The Jefferson County Landmarks Commission, Shepherd College, Region 9 Planning and Development Council, and the Jefferson County Planning Commission is essential to the formation of a protection strategy for cultural resources in this area.
The Eastern Panhandle is desperately in need of comprehensive archaeological survey, especially when the rate and speed of development is concerned. Residential complexes and subdivisions represent the single largest threat to archaeological resources since they involve large amounts of land and require many infrastructural improvements such as roads and sewers. Since private money falls outside Section 106 Review, local government must play a role in protecting cemeteries and  other prehistoric and historic sites. The Jefferson County Subdivision Review Board may be a key local agency to involve in the development of a comprehensive historic preservation plan. In some way, local social or environmental impact statements must be broadened to include archaeological resources.
Beyond local or state legislation mandating some compliance procedures, some local effort in the area of easements, covenants, strengthened historic preservation ordinances, etc. may be worthy of future consideration if cemeteries and other resources are to be protected.
<a name="Chap22">References Cited</a>
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Bushong, Millard. 1972 Historic Jefferson County, Boyce, VA, Cass Publishing Co.
Dandridge, Danske. 1910 Historic Shepherdstown, Charlottesville, VA, The Michie Co. Printers
Daughters of the American Revolution, Beeline Chapter. 1981 Tombstone Inscriptions, Jefferson County, West Virginia 1787-1980. Marceline, MO
Grove, Max W. 1970 Reconstructed Census 1774-1810, Berkeley County, Virginia. Coleville, MD, Eastern West Virginia Press
Hulse, Charles A. 1990 Archaeological Investigations at the Charles Town Cemetery Site, Jefferson County, West Virginia. Shepherd College Cultural Resource Management Series #9, Shepherdstown, West Virginia
Miller, Mrs. J.M. (editor) 1934 Old Graveyards of Jefferson County, Manuscript on file, Charles Town Public Library, Charles Town, WV
Musser, Clifford S. 1931 History of Shepherdstown, Shepherdstown, WV, The Independent
Thompson, Michael D. 1984 Calendar and Index to Recorded Survey Plats in The Jefferson County, West Virginia, Courthouse 1801-1901. Jefferson County Historical Society, Charles Town, WV
<a name="Chap23">APPENDIX A</a>
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AN ANNOTATED NARRATIVE OF THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY IN JEFFERSON COUNTY, WEST VIRGINIA
Hannah N. Geffert
The following is an annotated narrative of the African-American experience in Jefferson County, West Virginia. We consider it a working draft, and do not present it as a completed document but rather as the preliminary report of our research. Much of our research effort was focused on the anti-bellum era, so that period is more detailed.
When we started to work on this project we were told that there was very little information available about African-Americans in Jefferson County. Historical documentation of the existence of blacks, either slave or free, in the area is difficult to locate. The histories that exist of the people, the land, and the events are centered around the white population. Thousands of pages have been published about the county with little or no reference to the African-American people who were such an integral part of the settlement and development of the community. This would be shocking if it were not such a common occurance in the writing of American history. Often only inferential or tangential evidence is available, like census data, newspaper accounts, or descriptions of the county by visitors. For example, while we have not as yet uncovered information on how Jefferson County blacks' participated in the Revolutionary War, there is the testimony of a visitor to the home of General Darke. He describes a picture that hung over the general's fireplace. It is a portrait of General Darke triumphantly killing a black defector who had gone over to the Red Coats during the Revolution.
Much of our information comes from traditional historic sources; however, because of the limitation of these sources, we have chosen to include material that was collected by the Shepherd College Oral History Project. During the Spring semester of 1991 the Oral History Project focused on the African-American experience in Jefferson County. Again, the material included from that project is meant as only sample of what we have been able to uncover. The methods in the oral history segment of this project have been straight forward. We talked with long-time residents of the county, both black and white, and recorded their stories. Many of the interviews are lengthy, and at times rambling, so the texts which appears in this paper have been edited for the sake of brevity. The works and the flavor of the speech, however, remain those of our informants. Complete transcripts and tapes of the interviews are available.
While documentation is limited, Jefferson County is of considerable historic significance to the experience of African-Americans. The county was a hunting grounds of the Iroquois in precolonial times, but by the late 1750's the Indians had essentially left the Valley to the white settlers and the black servants and slaves that accompanied them. The natural crossroads  created by the rivers and mountain passes were augmented by the construction of a canal and railroads. In 1796 , it was a logical place to build a federal arsenal and armory, and later, in John Brown's view, it was a logical place for his intended slave insurrection. It was here where Storer College was built, where the Niagara movement had one of its first meetings, where both Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. DuBois visited. But beyond the great historic markers, the everyday lives of average black men and women who lived here reflected the experience of the African-American community as a whole.
More than many other places in the united States, Jefferson County is where the North and South met. It had large and small farms, mills and factories; people who made their living with and without the use of slave labor; free blacks and bondsmen. Its children served both the Union and the Confederacy during the Civil War. In the history of Jefferson County one can find a microcosm of the experience of the nation as a whole and of the African-American community in particular. We have attempted to piece together a portrait of the lives of African-Americans of this unique community from the earliest times.
Many thanks to student researchers Irene Alvarez, Yarisi Alvarez, John Amrhein, Regina Bell, Joe Cordell, Laura Corriveau, Donald Duiker, Curtis Gregory, Sukha Huor, Kenneth Johnson, Gary Lake, Jr., Ryan Levins, Lynn Murry, Joy Osbourn, Angela Sheere, Stacy Skroban, Andrea Smith, Zack Walker, Patricia Washington, and Kathleen Welsh and to all the members of our community who were kind enough to allow us to interview them.
<a href="#Sub1">FIRST BLACKS IN JEFFERSON COUNTY:</a>
<a href="#Sub2">PLANTATION: </a>
<a href="#Sub3">THE LAW: </a>
<a href="#Sub4">RUNAWAY SLAVES: </a>
<a href="#Sub5">FEAR OF SLAVE REVOLT: </a>
<a href="#Sub6">FOR SALE OR HIRE: </a>
<a href="#Sub7">SLAVE LABOR OFF THE PLANTATION: </a>
<a href="#Sub8">MOVEMENT TOWARD THE END OF SLAVERY: </a>
<a href="#Sub9">COLONIZATION SOCIETY: </a>
<a href="#Sub10">FREE BLACKS: </a>
<a href="#Sub12">JOHN BROWN'S RAID: </a>
<a href="#Sub13">WEST VIRGINIA STATEHOOD: </a>
<a href="#Sub14">WAR: </a>
<a href="#Sub15">THE 19th REGIMENT, COLORED: </a>
<a href="#Sub16">FREEDMAN'S BUREAU: </a>
<a href="#Sub17">WAR ENDS: </a>
<a href="#Sub18">FAMILY REUNION: </a>
<a href="#Sub19">EMANCIPATION: </a>
<a href="#Sub20">THE NEW LABOR SYSTEM: </a>
<a href="#Sub21">STORER COLLEGE: </a>
<a name="sub1">FIRST BLACKS IN JEFFERSON COUNTY:</a>
The earliest references to slaves in Jefferson County are about the year 1738 when, according to Alers History of Martinsburg and Berkeley County West Virginia, the west side of the Shenandoah River below the fork was first settled by overseers and slaves.
Alers, F. Vernon. Alers History of Martinsburg and Berkeley County West Virginia. Hagerstown, Maryland: The Mail Publishing Company, 1888, p. 200.
This date coincides with the issuing of grants by Lord Fairfax, several of which included not only land but also slaves.
Aler, p. 200.
But free blacks came into the area before this date. When the Hite family crossed the Potomac into western Virginia in 1732 , they were accompanied by free blacks who acted as the Hite family's servants. These first African-Americans of Jefferson County were the Johnsons, who in the 1720's had been purchased by the German Quakers and "given immediate freedom."
Johnson III, Jerry M. Johnsontown, West Virginia Heritage Year Book. 1987, page 3.
When the Joist Hite and the Johnson families settled two miles above Harpers Ferry on the Opequon they were among the first settlers west of the Blue Ridge.
Bates, Robert L. The Story of Smithfield (Middleway), Jefferson County, West Virginia. Lexington, Virginia: 1958 p. 81.
- Slaves were also listed in marriage contracts. For example, in October of 1860 when William Moore and Amelia M. Beard entered into a marriage contract that stipulated that any property owned by either at the time would remain the property of the one who brought it to the marriage, including the ownership of slaves.
From an exhibit at Harpers Ferry National Historical Park, John Brown Museum, February, 1991
In his will of 1782 , Robert Harper, whose early settlement of Harpers Ferry dates from 1743 , instructed that, "the whole amount of what my negro wench Beck shall bring to be equally divided and shared amongst my family.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
Charles Washington of Happy Retreat willed two Negro servants and their children to Samuel Washington and gave another nine negro servants and their children through a "Bill of Sale" to Samuel. Washington's will was probated September 23, 1799 .
Martinsburg Will Book 3, p. 252 as cited in Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol. XIII (December 1947) pp. 8-9.
The blacks who came into Jefferson county also had relationships with the Indians who they found here. Julia Kramer tells a story of how her grandfather supported a group of Indians one winter until they got jobs. The Indians adopted the name of "Redman," and "in the early times worked boats." Many of these men intermarried with blacks and are still in this area.
From an interview with Julia Kramer, July 30, 1990, Summit Point, West Virginia
During the first period of settlement the Shenandoah Valley was "characterized by small farms, worked either without the aid of slave labor, or with small numbers of slaves."
McColley, Robert. Slavery and Jeffersonian Virginia, Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1964 p. 10.
Many of the settlers of this region were from Pennsylvania and had "little sympathy for Old Virginia east of the Blue Ridge."
McColley, p. 10.
Although involved in agriculture, the Germans and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians who came into the area brought few slaves with them.
Taylor, Alrutheus. "Making West Virginia a Free State." The Journal of Negro History, vol. VI, no. 2 (April, 1921) (pp. 131-173), p. 132.
"The Germans found it wasteful; the Scotch-Irish used few."
Davis, Julia. The Shenandoah. New York: Farrar & Rinehart, Inc., 1945, p. 94.
There were, however, some plantations with enough slaves to require the hiring of an overseer.
Skidmore, Robert. "A Social History of the Eastern Panhandle Counties of West Virginia to 1810", M.A. Thesis. Morgantown, W. Va.: West Virginia University, 1953, p. 85.
Although, because of difficulties in transportation and in finding land suitable for grand scale cultivation, large plantations were not the norm. The great influx of slaves would come with the English settlers from the Virginia Tidewater area.
By the second half of the eighteenth century the institution of slavery was well on its way to being established in Jefferson [77B] County, as is evident by the number of houses of slave owners -- such as the Briscos, Throckmortons, Rutherfords, and Washingtons -- that date their construction to that time. Many of these settlers had strong ties with the leading families of the Tidewater region.
In 1786, Charles Washington (George's brother) was granted permission to establish Charles Town where he built Happy Retreat. Another brother built Harewood where James and Dolly Madison were married. Bushrod Corbin Washington built Claymont. "Around the Washington plantations the countryside became thickly planted with Pages, Lees, and other families bearing Tidewater names." While the plantations of the Tidewater region were being abandoned the "old ways of life lasted another generation or more" until nearly the eve of the Civil War in Jefferson County.
Gutheim, Frederick. The Potomac. New York: Rinehart & Company, 1949, pp. 196-197.
The family diary of the John C. Wilshire (in the possession of Camilla Wilshire) gives testimony to the existence of households with large number of slaves in Jefferson County by the 1800's. It contains a list of the status and "the names and ages of the younger part of my Negro family":
"Jefferson County Personal Property Tax List of 1800 ", Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol. XXXIII (December 1967) p. 67.
The ownership of slaves was concentrated in a few families. Of the 1,357 families in the Jefferson district only 329 owned taxable slaves. 76% [of the] families listed no taxable slaves.
Ferdinando Fairfax of Shannon Hill was the largest slaveholder with 62 taxable slaves. Other Jefferson District slaveholders owning 11 or more taxable slaves were taxed as follows:
Corbin Washington of Prospect -- 38 taxable slaves
The "Heirs of Moses Hunter" -- 35 taxable slaves
Robert Baylor -- 31 taxable slaves
Charles Yates of Walnut Grove -- 27 taxable slaves
Beverly Whiting of Summit Point -- 24 taxable slaves
Battaile Muse of Marsh Farm -- with 24 taxable slaves
John Briscoe of Piedmont -- 23 taxable slaves
Executors of John Aris -- 23 taxable slaves
George Steptoe Washington of Harewood -- 19 taxable slaves
General William Darke -- 18 taxable slaves
John Gaunt, Sr. -- 17 taxable slaves
George North & Co. -- 17 taxable slaves
Benjamin Strother -- 16 taxable slaves
Gerard Alexander -- 16 taxable slaves
John Sinclair -- 15 taxable slaves
William Baylor -- 14 taxable slaves
Richard Baylor -- 14 taxable slaves
James Hurst -- 14 taxable slaves
Lancelot Lee -- 14 taxable slaves
Rick Willis -- 14 taxable slaves
James Kerney -- 13 taxable slaves
David Griffith -- 13 taxable slaves
Thomas Griggs -- 13 taxable slaves
John Wager, Jr. -- 12 taxable slaves
Lawrence Washington -- 12 taxable slaves
John Throckmortons -- 12 taxable slaves
Thomas Hammond of Happy Retreat -- 12 taxable slaves
Joseph Crain -- 11 taxable slaves
Abraham Davenport -- 11 taxable slaves
Thomas Rutherford -- 11 taxable slaves
Robert Rutherford -- 11 taxable slaves
"Jefferson County Personal Property Tax List of 1800", pp. 69-72.
"A Checklist of West Virginia Imprints, 1791-1830." Chicago: WPA Historical Survey Program, 1940, p. 9 as cited in  Smith-Parker, Cassandra, "Harpers Ferry National Historic Park, National Park Service." Afro-American History Interpretation at Selected National Parks, Department of History, Howard University, September 1978, Joseph E. Harris, Project Director, page 20.
This percentage remained relatively constant through 1860 when the free and slave population combined was about 31% of the total county population.
Talbott, Forrest, "Some Legislative and Legal Aspects of the Negro Question in West Virginia During the Civil War and Reconstruction," West Virginia History, vol. 24, no. 1 (October, 1962) p. 8 as cited in Smith-Parker, p. 17.
Of the twelve free black heads of households in Berkeley County only one resided in the Jefferson District. This tax payer was also distinguished by the fact that he was the only free black on the list to have adopted a surname. This first African-American taxpayer in what would become Jefferson County was John Jackson.
"Jefferson County Personal Property Tax List of 1800", p. 68.
Jefferson County farms were small and for the most part had small numbers of slaves, who were primarily used in domestic service and in the production of food for the people working in local industries.
Smith-Parker, p. 17.
Tobacco played little role in the economic need for slaves in Jefferson County. In most of Virginia the counties with the greatest number of slaves produced the most tobacco. In western Virginia, almost the opposite occurred -- the counties with the greatest number of slaves produced little or no tobacco. Hence, in 1860 Jefferson County produced only 6,700 pounds of tobacco although it contained numerous slaves.
McGregor, James C. The Disruption of Virginia. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1922, p. 14.
Living conditions of slaves varied. Harewood was built by Samuel Washington, brother of George Washington. The original house was finished in 1771 and remains in the possession of the Washington family. Like most of the older homes of the area, the original kitchen was separated from the main house. Beyond the kitchen, is a room that was once slave quarters. Along the wall of this room are indentations of where steps used to lead to the loft. The upstairs loft has been sealed off. There were other slave quarters located at Harewood until around 1905 when they were torn down. A picture of the slave quarters, taken in 1901 shows a log house (about 10 by 20 feet) with a center stone chimney and shingled roof. The remains of this house are about  1000 yards from the main house.
From an interview with Mr. Walter Washington, Harewood House, August 7, 1990.
Many of the large plantation houses in the area provided slaves with quarters of this type. In the case of the Peter Burr House (Off Route 9, near the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad) there was a stone spring house with servants quarters overhead.
Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol X (December 1944) p. 5.
However, some slaves lived in the main house. At Shenstone, owned by the Timberlake family and then by the Snyder family, seventeen whites lived in the upper part of the house while seventeen slaves lived in the basement during the Civil War.
Descriptions of the type of slavery that existed in Jefferson County vary. F. Vernon Alers writes that "through the Shenandoah Valley slaves were treated with the utmost cruelty, and the further South it penetrated the worse the barbarity.
Alers, p. 204.
Robert McColley, however, states that foreign visitors to Virginia commented that "Virginia slavery existed in the mildest form" and spokesmen for Virginia believed that slavery became "milder and more humane since the Revolution."
McColley, p. 57.
T.K. Cartmell in Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants writes:
No two races ever lived in such harmony as the White and Black races in ye olden times, before the negro was taught by the fanatics that slavery was a yoke that must be removed, and he must do his part.
Cartmell, T.K. Shenandoah Valley Pioneer and Their Descendants, 1909, Appendix No 8, p. 520.
And Julia Davis wrote that slaves that were used mostly as house servants and field hands. "They were the friends and children of the family -- well housed, well clothed, in the main well treated, joked with, after a fashion loved."
Davis, Julia, p. 94
She describes slave life as follows:
The servants did not live in the 'big house,' but had their own cabins at a safe and sanitary distance....The servants carried wood and water, made beds and cleaned, served abundant meals of excellent but limited menus  from the food raised on the places. They were supposed to enjoy the fuss and stir of company, and they did. They wore black suits and boiled shirts for Sunday, and sat in the galleries of the churches where their masters went. They harvested to the rhythms of their singing, and the master presided at the harvest feast. The children of the family loved them, and were loved, and from their gentle teaching came that emphasis on 'pretty manners' which Northerners held suspect then and after. They never knew want, never knew hunger, were taught in childhood, nursed in illness, and retires[d] in old age....Gentlemen did not whip their servants, but they expected the overseers to maintain discipline and preferred not to know too much about it. An owner known to be harsh to his 'people' was ostracized by his own class.
Davis, Julia, p. 130.
The argument has been made that the type of slavery which was dominant in Jefferson County, where slaveholders owned small numbers of slaves and worked and lively[d] closely with them, tended to create an atmosphere where slaves received more kindly treatment than on large plantations where overseers where[were] employed.
McColley, p. 58.
Since the annual salary of an overseer was based on a percentage of the crop for the year, an overseer might be motivated to treat the slaves more harshly.
McColley, p. 59.
But it should be remembered that the slave/master relationship was the same on small farms as on large plantations. And the treatment a slave received depended more on the character of the master than on the number of slaves own[ed] on any given acreage. Even if a slave found himself under the authority of a benevolent master the legal system consigned him to a difficult lot.
<a name="sub3">THE LAW</a>
Ballagh, James Curtis. History of Slavery in Virginia. Baltimore: 1902, p. 4
These first Africans were considered indentured servants, not as slaves. It was not until the number of Africans began to increase in the last quarter of the seventeenth century that the status of Negroes began to change.
Davis, T.R. "Negro Servitude in the U.S." Journal of Negro History, vol. VIII, no. 3 (July 1923) pp. 247-283. 
Ballagh, p. 93.
As the number of Africans began to increase during the eighteenth century, Virginia tried to restrict their entrance into the state by placing heavy duties on them. From 1732 until the 1776 [???] there were only about six months when slaves could be brought into Virginia duty free.
Ballagh, pp. 10-14.
After the Revolution, Virginia continues to try and restrict the importation by passing a law which prohibited importation either by land or sea, with the exception of travellers and immigrants.
Hening, William Waller. Statutes at Large of Virginia. Richmond: 1812, vol. IX, p. 421
The first court record concerning slaves in what would become Jefferson County dates to April 17, 1772 when the first justices of the county received their commission.
Alers, p. 200.
They included, among others, Samuel Washington, John Briscoe, Van Swearingen, Ralph Wormley, [all slave owners from Jefferson] and Jacob Hite. Under an act "directing the trial of slaves committing capital crimes, and for the more effectual punishing of conspiracies and insurrection of them, and for the better government of Negroes, Mulattoes, and Indians, bond or free," they were empowered to "try, condemn, and execute or other wise punish or acquit all slaves committing capital crimes" within the county.
Commission granted by John, Earl of Dunmore, Governor General of the colony and dominion of Virginia, April 17, 1772 as cited in Alers, pp. 200-201.
The first locally recorded crime was that of slaves belonging to Mathew Whiting for stealing hogs from John Crane. Phil, Sambo, Joe, Will, Jack, Sam, Anthony, Ed, Hannah, Peggy, Betty, and Peg were brought to trial. The court found that Jack, Joe, Phil, and Will were guilty and the sheriff was ordered to "give them thirty-nine lashes on their bare backs, at the public whipping-post, well laid on...." The others slaves were found not guilt[y] of the crime.
Alers, p. 202.
Historian, Samuel Kercheval, in an interview with J. Vernon Alers, recalls viewing a lashing of a slave, "accused of some trivial offense." He was:
tied with his arms extended [sic] upwards to the limb of a tree, and a bundle of hickories thrown down before him, which he was ordered to look at, and told that  they should all be worn out on him, and a great many more, if he did not make a confession of the crime alleged against him. The operation then began by tucking up the shirt over his head, so as to leave his back and shoulders naked. The master then took two of the hickories in his hand, and by forward and backhanded strokes, each of which sounded like a wagon whip, and applied with the utmost rapidity and with his whole muscular strength, in a few seconds lacerated the shoulder of the poor miserable suffer[er] with no less than fifty scourges, so that in a little time the whole of his shoulders had the appearance of a mass of blood streams of which soon began to flow down his back and sides. He then made a confession of his fault, one not worth naming; but this did not save him from further torture. He put his master 'to the trouble of whipping him and he must have a little more.' His trousers were then unbuttoned and suffered to fall down about his feet; two new hickories were selected from the bundle, and so applied, that in a short time his posteriors, like his shoulders, exhibited nothing but lacerations and blood. A consultation was then held between the master and the bystanders, who had been coolly looking on, in which it was humanely concluded 'that he had got enough.' A basin of brine and cloth were ordered to be brought, with which his stripes were washed, or salted as they called it. During this operation the suffering wretch writhed and groaned as if in the agonies of death. He was then untied and told to go home and mistress would tell him what to do.
Samuel Kercheval added that when a slave was to be lashed, a master would ask several of his neighbors to assist:
A jug of rum and water were provided for the occasion. After the trembling wretch was brought forth and tied up, the number of lashed[s] which he was to receive was determined on. Who should begin the operation was decided by lot or otherwise, and the torture commenced. At the conclusion of the first course the operator, pending great weariness, called for a drink of rum and water, in which he was joined by the company. A certain time was allowed for the subject of their cruelty 'to cool,' as they called it. When the allotted time had expired the next hand took his turn, and in like manner ended with a drink, and so on until the appointed number of lashes were imposed. The operation lasted several hours, and sometimes half a day, at the conclusion of which the sufferer, with his hands swollen with the cords, was unbound and suffered to put on his shirt. His executioners, to whom the operation was rather a frolic than otherwise, returned  home from the scene of their labor half drunk. Another method of punishment still more protracted than this was that of dooming a slave to receive so many lashes during several days in succession, each whipping, except the first being called 'tickling up the old scabs.'
Alers, pp. 204-205.
Hening, (1822) vol. XII, p. 681 as cited in McColley, p. 66.
It was the responsibility of owners to maintain order among their slaves. Slaves were brought before the county court if charged with treason or a felony. The slave would receive the benefit of a court appointed attorney who would be paid a fee of five dollars by the slave's owner. If convicted the slave would be hung after thirty days, or less in the case of treason, and the owner would receive money to compensate him for his loss. Compensation was granted the owner so that an owner, fearing loss of an investment, would be discouraged from hiding the crimes of a slave.
Shepherd, Samuel. Statutes at Large of Virginia. vol I, pp. 125-127 (an omnibus act outlining a penal code for slaves) as cited in McColley) p. 64.
Norris, J. E., History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley. Chicago, Illinois: A. Warner Co., 1890, p. 341.
At about the same time two slaves belong to Robert Baylor -- John and Robert -- were convicted of stealing two yards of calico and a vest. They were sentenced to be "burned in the hand and receive twenty lashes." This sentence was to be carried out, "within the benefit of clergy" and "in the presence of the court."
Norris, p. 337.
Women slaves were treated in the same manner as men slaves. On November 4, 1792 , Nell, "a Mulatto woman slave, on suspicion of feloniously stealing from Amos Davis one muslin sheet, one white linen sheet, one girl's slipp [sic], one flannel petticoat, a large shawl, one white linen handkerchief ruffled, and one black lace tippet" was found guilty of petit larceny. The sheriff was order[ed] to "take he[r] to the public whipping post and there give her thirty-nine lashes on her bare back, well laid on, and then discharge her."
Alers, pp. 204-205.
When a felony was "within benefit of clergy" (meaning a clerk or educated man) slaves were to be "burnt in the hand by  the jailer in open court" and suffered "other corporeal punishment as the court shall think fit to inflict," with the provision that the slave could not "receive benefit of clergy twice." Punishment -- burning, maiming, whipping -- was carried out in public, usually with other slaves in attendance. The maximum number of lashes was usually thirty-nine. Castration was forbidden except in the case of a slave convicted of ravishing a white woman. If the slave died "through the negligence of the surgeon undertaking to dismember or cure him" the owner would receive compensation.
Shepherd, vol. I, pp. 125-127, as cited in McColley, pp. 64-65.
On Monday, December 26, 1853 , a "Negro belonging to Miss Baylor" was arraigned and "brought up a standing to the whipping post," and there received "his thirty in payment for the penalty of stealing the sum of $40.00 from Mr. John Morris."
Shepherdstown Register. vol. 3, no. 4, Saturday, December 31, 1853, p. 2.
The punishment of lashing occurred even after the Civil War. William Henderson, "a Negro from Jefferson County, stole a hat from Mr. Hable..." and was sentenced to fifteen lashes.
Virginia Free Press. vol. 66 (vol. 12 new series), no. 22, Saturday, January 20, 1877, p. 3.
It was illegal to teach slaves to read or write and the majority of free blacks were literate. However, as indicated in newspaper advertisements for runaways, some of the slaves could also read and write.
Smith-Parker, p. 22.
Roosevelt Green told of how his mother acquired "book learning":
The people who bought my grandmother and mother had a little girl. My mother had to do whatever this little girl of theirs said. She had to wait on her just like her mother had to wait on the grown people. They played together and they got fond of one another. The white girl had her school doings -- books, pencils, slates. They would get them out there on the lawn in the summertime and play with them. She [mother] got interested and asked her what she was doing. The white girl told her they were her school books. "If you promise you won't tell nobody," she said, "I'll teach you the calendar, ABC's, and so on. Taught her how to spell her name -- "M-I-L-L-I-E". Taught her the ABC's and then she taught her how to count up to ten, she got up to twenty, and then she learned how to count to 50. That's all the education she got. The rest of it she got by picking up the paper after the war was over and reading it.
From an interview with Roosevelt Theodore Green, January 25, 1991, Charles Town, W. Va., Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-1).
Travel among both slaves and free blacks was restricted. Harpers Ferry passed a town ordinance in 1851 that ordered a 10:00 curfew for slaves and free blacks. Blacks breaking curfew were subject to arrest. Punishment for such a violation was either a fine or ten lashes.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
The young men of Harper's Ferry used to amuse themselves by gathering at the bridge evenings and waylay such darkeys as were caught out after 9 o'clock without a pass and as they called it 'wallop them.' It might be funny for the boys, but it was not so funny for the victims, as they dared not complain.
Life on the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal. Clark, Ella and Hahn, Thomas, eds. 1859, p. 34 as cited in Libby, Jean. Black Voices from Harpers Ferry: Osborne Anderson and the John Brown Raid. Palo Alto, California: 1979, p. 91.
Only in the area of protection from kidnapping of free Negroes or the stealing of slaves did Virginia blacks receive special protection.
Shepherd, vol. I, p. 126 as cited in McColley, p. 65.
<a name="sub4">RUNAWAY SLAVES:</a>
On January 13, 1835 , a petition was sent to the General Assembly, by the citizens of Jefferson County seeking aide in recapturing runaway slaves. Action was taken by the General Assembly on March 10, 1835. "The Virginia Slave Insurance Company" at Charles Town was incorporated to insure* against losses from escaped slaves.
Jefferson County Petitions, January 13, 1835, Number 10819, Virginia General Assembly, Acts 1834-1835 Session as cited in Bushong, Millard Kessler. Historic Jefferson County. Boyce, Virginia: Carr Publishing Company, 1972 pp. 161-165.
- Insurance was also available on the life of a slave. The United States Life Insurance Annuity and Trust Company of Philadelphia offered the following rates for slaveowners in Jefferson County in 1856 on insurance for $100 on the life of a slave for the term of four years:
14 to 19 years old ... $1.80
20 to 24 years old ... $2.10
25 to 29 years old ... $2.40
30 to 34 years old ... $2.70
35 to 39 years old ... $3.00
40 to 44 years old ... $3.30
45 to 50 years old ... $3.60
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 5 no. 32, June 28, 1856, p. 3.
When the Fugitive Slave Bill was being debated in Congress a "faithful synopsis" was printed in the Shepherdstown Register because it was considered to be "a matter of peculiar importance in this section of the state."
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 1., no. 41, Tuesday, September 3, 1850.
Notices of runaway slaves appeared in the local papers:
A Negro boy named Henry, aged seventeen, the property of Mr. John R. Ruckle of this county took it into his head to declare his freedom and absquatulated [???] on Tuesday night the 29th for parts unknown to his master as yet. A reward of $100 is offered....
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 3, No. 41, Saturday, September 2, 1854.
Handbills were printed and circulated with information about escaped slaves and offers for rewards:
RAN AWAY from the service of Mr. George Ridenour, in Jefferson county, Virginia, on Monday the 28th of October, A Negro Man named JOHN,
(Who calls himself John Morton,) about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, stout made, and has a round full face. He is very black, and had some apparent defect in his eyes, looking down when spoken to. His clothing, when he left, was a new drab fulled linsey frock coat, with brass buttons, blue pantaloons, and a black hat. He also took with him a blue close-bodied coat, and a pair of new shoes.
Twenty-five dollars reward will be given for the apprehension of John in Virginia; Fifty Dollars if secured in Maryland; or $100 if taken in Pennsylvania, so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
William Still, in his book, The Underground Railroad, describes several slaves who made their way from Jefferson County  to freedom on the Underground Railroad. In 1853 , Robert Jackson, alias Wesley Harris, escaped from Harpers Ferry. Described as medium in height, of slender stature, and dark color, Robert had been born in Martinsburg, West Virginia in 1831. He was owned by Philip Pendleton but had been hired out from the time he was a boy. In January of 1853, he went to work for Mrs. Carroll, proprietor of the United States Hotel in Harpers Ferry. Robert described Mrs. Carroll as being "kindly to him and all the servants, and promised them their freedom at her death."
Still, William, The Underground Railroad. Arno Press and the New York Times New York, 1968, p. 48.
The reason Mrs. Carroll gave for not giving her servants freedom immediately was financial. Her husband had died insolvent, and she had been left with his debts unpaid. Although Mrs. Carroll was a reasonable person for whom to work, her manager was very cruel. A month before his escape, Robert had resisted a flogging that the manager had attempted to give him. This resistance was considered an unpardonable offense; and plans were made to put Robert into jail and sell him the following Christmas. Mrs. Carroll told Robert of the plans of the overseer and his owner and, "told him if he could help himself he had better do so."
Still, p. 49.
With two brothers, the Mathersons, Robert made his escape on a Saturday night at twelve o'clock and headed North. Their escape to freedom was not without incident. Near Terrytown, Maryland, they were spotted by slave hunters and a gun battle ensued. The Matherson brothers did not resist but Robert did, sustaining a wound to his left arm, "which raked the flesh from the bone for a space of about six inches in length."
Still, p. 48.
The trio was recaptured. Because of the serious nature of Robert's wounds, it was thought wise not to move him. Robert was kept as a prisoner in a tavern by a man named Fisher for several weeks. Upon his recovery, Robert again escaped to freedom and made his way to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on November 2, 1853.
Robert Jackson was not the only slave of Mrs. Carroll's to escape via the Underground Railroad. Luke Goines was owned by Mrs. Carroll. After his escape from Harpers Ferry he went to Baltimore and then made his way to Philadelphia.
Still, p. 520.
Kenneth D. Gageby of Bakerton was familiar with the history of the Engle family and related the following story:
John Engle owned about fifteen slaves, who were well clothed with new woolen suits every winter and lived in  stone quarters. In 1864 , one slave, Ben Lee, ran off to the army and freedom. He soon returned home and said "Marse John, I was a fool, whip me, and let me go to work again." Old Ben with his wife and children -- Patsy, Eliza, Tom, Adam, Steve, and Bob all lie buried in the orchard not far from their old master.
(From an interview with Kenneth D. Gageby, July 30, 1990, Bakerton)
Roosevelt Green's uncle Thomas' experience during the war was different:
When the war was going on Thomas was growing up like the other slaves. Old master was on the firing line out there fighting in a rebel camp. He left this 'good nigger' at home to wait on the women. Thomas was a boy, wasn't no man. Master would stay in camp until he got tired and had to come home. He'd come home to see how things were and rest up for a couple of days. Then he would go back to camp. He had Thomas saddle up his favorite riding horse. Then Thomas would saddle up one for himself. He and Thomas would go on back to camp. They was riding along the road to camp and the master told Thomas, "Don't you play along that road there, boy. The Yankee camp is down there. They catch you, they put you on the firing line." Thomas said, "No sir, ain't gonna waste no time here, sir. I don't want to be a slave." The master thought Thomas was brainwashed, but he wasn't. They went on to the rebel camp. When Thomas came back that same road and passed that place that the master said led to the Yankee camp, Thomas stopped and pulled a limb off a tree. He switched them horses with that limb and he galloped to the right into the Yankee's camp with both horses, saddle, and bridles. Of course they accepted him with open hands. They put him into the mess hall. Kept him working there. He never saw a lick of war. And he said he never seen the master no more.
Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-1).
<a name="sub5">FEAR OF SLAVE REVOLT:</a>
There was a constant fear of slave revolt. Herbert Aptheker cites eleven cases of slave revolt in Virginia between the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 , including ones in Williamsburg 1781 , Charles City County 1792 , Prince William County 1797 , and Gabriel's rebellion in 1800 near Richmond.
Aptheker, The Negro in the American Revolution, New York; 1940, p. 27 as cited in McColley, p. 107.
One of the area's most notorious cases of slaves murdering their master occurred in 1818 near Winchester. Three of Dr. Berkleley's  slaves -- Landon, Randle and Sara -- reportedly beat him to death with a club and then burned his body to eliminate the evidence. The three, along with Dr. Berkeley's other slaves -- Ralph, Barnaba, Fanny, Tom, and Robbin -- were tried and defended by the "best attorneys in the community." Landon, Randle, and Sara were hung; Ralph and Barnaba were sent to the Dry Tortugas; and the rest were sold south.
Davis, Julia, pp. 131-132.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 5., no. 10, January 26, 1856, p. 2.
Articles of slave revolts in other parts of the country appeared frequently in the local papers:
Evening reports have just reached this city that the Negroes of Southern Kentucky have broken out in rebellion, and that a general insurrection is feared.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 6, no. 4, December 13, 1856, p. 2.
Negro insurrection in Tennessee -- Fifteen Negroes shot and eleven hung. Projected slave insurrections, Shepherdstown Register, vol. 6, no. 5, December 20, 1856, p. 1.
And the paper commented:
There have been many rumors here in regard to an expected insurrection of the slaves, but so far it is all quiet, and no outbreak had occurred. There is no anxiety on the subject whatever.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 6, no. 5, December 20, 1856, p. 1.
<a name="sub6">FOR SALE OR HIRE:</a>
It was not unusual for slaves to be hired out by their masters. For example, in 1846 a slave named Hannah was rented to the owners of Shenstone, from the Mc Coppry farm for thirty dollars. A document, still in possession of the current owners of Shenstone, the Snyders, states that Hannah was to be there for one year and it specified what clothes with which she came and with which she should be returned.
I have two boys and a girl whom I wish to put out for the ensuing year. The boys are sixteen and twelve years old respectively, and the girl is fourteen.
Alex R. Boteler
Shepherdstown Register. vol. 1, no. 2, Tuesday, December 11, 1849, p. 2.
Shepherdstown Register. vol 3, no. 19, Saturday, April 1, 1854.
Sometimes the amount of money a slaveholder would receive for the use of his slave would be determined through an auction, as indicated by the following dairy entry of James Woodberry Boyden who visited Charles Town in 1837 :
I went out and shook hands with Mr. Stewart, Glagg Craighill, Mr. Stone, & Walton Cameron, who had attended the Negro hiring which took place today. 40 Negroes belonging to an estate were, by the administrator, hired to the highest bidder for one year.
Dairy of James Woodberry Boyden (entry for Thursday, December 28, 1837), Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol XXXII (December 1966) p. 29.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
Some masters found it necessary to sell slaves. A slaves life was closely linked to the financial situation of his owner. Some slaves were used as collateral on loans. For example James Bates Wager in October, 1833 , used his "five negroes named Ned, Henry, Jim, Dick, and William" in this way.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
When John Douglass, a free black, was short of money to purchase his wife Fanny and son John Henry he borrowed money from the citizens of Harpers Ferry using Fanny and John as collateral for the loan.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
Some Masters found it necessary to sell slaves. In Smithfield  (Middleway) dealers would come to town and often the town pump would be the place where the sale took place.
Bates, Robert L. The Story of Smithfield (Middleway), Jefferson County, West Virginia. Lexington, Virginia: 1958, p. 132.
The slave would have no idea where the dealer was taking him, as witness this story about a slave named Samson. Samson was sold by "Marse George" in Jefferson County and taken to Richmond where he was resold and then transported to the new slaveowner's home. As the story was recorded, during the journey Samson kept saying, "I wonder what Marse George is doin'. Marse George wan't never this far off. I wonder if I'll ever see Marse George agin." When Samson arrived at his new master's home he was instructed to take corn to the grist mill. The story relates that Samson said:
I feel like I see dis here place before'. Dem trees is jus' like the trees way back at Marse George's. Yas, sar dis here road is 'xactly like the road up where Marse George live at. Ef I did'nt know I was way off, I'd say I was right back where Marse George live. An dat is certainly like the mill where Marse George use to go. Yas, sar, everything is jus' like it use to be at Marse George's. An dat horse tied ober dere look jus' like Marse George's horse. An dar look jus' like Marse George, hisself, an dat is Marse George. Lord ha' mercy, Marse George how did you git way down here."
Bates, pp. 132-133.
As it turned out, "Marse George" lived in the vicinity of the Samson's new slaveowner." While the recorder of this story may have seen some humor in the confusion of the slave, the harsh reality was that slaves found themselves sold from place to place at the whim of their owners.
The following story, also collected in Smithfield (Middleway), gives some insight into how owners and slaves viewed sales of slaves from very different prospectives [perspectives]:
"Aunt" Sukey had a girl. The girl was about twelve years old but she was one too many servants for the family. Freedom could not be accorded her as there was no place for her to go if she were freed. To sell her in the community, providing a sale could be made, would only create a domestic problem for her owner. She would be like the pet animal given or sold to a near neighbor. A dealer appeared and the owner of the girl gave him description of her. Sight unseen, they came to terms. A simple solution of the problem had been found. The master could not tell his family of the impending sale lest he induce an emotional upheaval within his family and among his other slaves. He kept  his counsel to himself. His ruse was to send Daphne to the pump with a small basket on her arm. This would identify her to the agent who would shuffle her along with this[his] other purchases far in to the South. The transaction was effected as planned. But "Aunt" Sukey found a way to mourn the loss of her daughter and at the same time protest against the deal.
"Aunt" Sukey made a "slab bonnet" the front of which projected far out over her face. For many years she wore the bonnet, particularly when guests visited her master's home, to the great embarrassment of her owner. She maintained that it concealed her face as effectively as did a veil of mourning and this she could wear at all times at home and aboard [abroad].
Bates, pp. 133-134.
Slave sales were listed in the local papers:
A likely Negro woman with a child nine month old will be sold at private sale. Inquirer of the Printer.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 1, no. 11, Tuesday, February 12, 1850.
It was not necessarily the custom of the area that a mother and a child be kept together at the time of sale:
A valuable Negro woman aged thirty years with three or four children, will be sold on reasonable terms. The children will be sold together with the woman or separate to suit the purchaser.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 13, no. 42, Tuesday, September 10, 1850.
Sometimes the terms of the sale were listed in the advertisement. For example "four valuable Negro men, four women and five children" were sold at the farm of William Short, on the road from Shepherdstown to Martinsburg, on March 12, 1850 , under the following conditions:
A credit of nine months will be given on all sums of five dollars and upward. Under that sum the cash will be required. Negroes on a credit of six months, the purchaser giving bond and security. The Negroes will be sold at private sale and not to persons living out of the counties of Jefferson and Berkeley.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 1, no. 13, Tuesday, February 19, 1850.
Slave breeding was carried on in Virginia.
Siebert, Wilbur H. The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom. New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1968.  Originally published by the Macmillian Company 1898, p. 228.
Taylor, Alrutheus, "Making West Virginia a Free State", The Journal of Negro History, vol. VI, no. 2 (April 1921) (pp. 131-173) p. 132.
Slave dealers came into the area and placed ads in local papers offering to purchase of slaves. Elijah McDowell placed ads in the Spirit of Jefferson offering "cash for slaves", as did C.G. Briggs.
Spirit of Jefferson, September 7, 1852 and September 21, 1852.
Mr. Roosevelt Green recalled his mother telling him about how she was sold:
Her and her mother was sold on the block. Her mother was sold on the block as cow, and she of course was a little calf. A lot of bidders was standing around bidding on her. Slave masters walked with a big stick, a cane, because they was scared the Negroes might hit them if they had no protection. Buyers and bidders would chunck away with that big stick to see how solid she was, and one of them took his cane and raise her mother's dress clean up to her waste [waist] to see how solid she was, and one of them took his cane and raise her mother's dress clean up to her waste [waist] to see how she was built -- whether she was built for breeding. They wasn't satisfied with her age, they wanted to see how old she was, to see whether she had teeth. If she had good teeth she could eat, and if she could eat she had to work. And one of them caught her mother around the head just like stock, a horse or a cow. Pulled her upper lip up and lower lip down, and turn her head around to show to the crowd how her teeth was; how she was able to work. She remembered all that.
Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-1).
<a name="sub7">SLAVE LABOR OFF THE PLANTATION:</a>
As in other parts of Virginia, Negro labor was used in a variety of ways. Even when a slave became too old to be of much use in the fields, his hands were still kept busy, as indicated through this story from the Smithfield (Middleway) area:
There was a story of the slave who was too old to work. He was given a pocket knife and oak lumber. During his declining years he sat all day and whittled out chairs.
Bates, p. 95.
Slaves worked in early iron mines, in the manufacturing of bricks, in cutting and milling of trees, and in the milling of  grains.
McColley, p. 20.
The area around Harpers Ferry was industrial with both slaves and free blacks making pig iron, mining ore, and working in mills. Slaves ran the ferries at both Harper's Ferry and Shepherdstown. Negro teamsters hauled crops to the waterways; where other Negroes, working as boatmen, would pole or sail cargo to larger ports.
McColley, p. 19.
So common was the use of slave sailors that Virginia found it necessary to pass a statute which forbade slaves from serving as captains of vessels and restricted slave sailors from constituting more than one-third of a crew.
Hening, (1822) vol. XI, p. 404.
In 1785 , James Rumsey of Shepherdstown began projects to construct a canal at Great Falls and to remove obstacle to navigation between Harpers Ferry and Cumberland. Initially Rumsey relied on white labor, including unskilled indentured workers and Irish immigrants. However, he found that these laborers were unreliable and "fell back wholly on Negro slaves."
Gutheim, Frederick. The Potomac. New York: Rinehart & Company, 1949, p. 254.
In Virginia, as in other parts of the South, money "tended to go into land and slaves rather than into manufacturing or processing industries."
McColley, p. 18.
However, in Jefferson County some of the largest slaveholders were also involved in the financing of manufacturing. The building of flour and saw mills, for example, were often financed by slaveowners.
Skidmore, pp. 47-48.
There is some question about how black labor was used in the armory and the arsenal at Harpers Ferry. In Harpers Ferry Armory and the New Technology: The Challenge of Change. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1977, pp. 34-35, 42-45, and 332-334, as cited in Smith-Parker, p. 23.
Mr. Smith bases his conclusions on his belief that there was a limited supply of labor in the county in 1799 and that there was an unwritten code that black and white labor was  segregated. However, it is clear that slave labor was an integral "part of the business and commercial sector that developed in support of the armory and arsenal."
Smith-Parker, p. 17.
Whether or not African-Americans worked in the armory, its existence provided an economy which attracted a large number of free black to Harpers Ferry. Women worked as cooks, laundresses and housekeepers. Most men were laborer and harvesters; some worked for building contractors; some were businessmen who managed [to] acquire property.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
There are more Black people here than I expected to see; the streets are full of them, and there are Blacks in every trade.
Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol. XXVI (December 1961) p. 19
<a name="sub8">MOVEMENT TOWARD THE END OF SLAVERY:</a>
Alers, pp 204-205.
Siebert, page 93.
Bates, p. 39.
Resolved, That slavery is a violent deprivation of the rights of nature and inconsistent with a republican government, and therefore recommended it to our brethren to make use of every legal measure to extirpate this horrid evil from the land; and pray Almighty God that our honorable Legislature may have it in their power to proclaim the great Jubilee, consistent with the principles of good policy.
Semple, Robert B. History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia. Richmond, Virginia: Pitt & Dickenson, Publishers, 1894, p. 105. </blockquotde>
The Ketocton Association (to which the Zoar Baptist Church* of Jefferson County belonged) debated the legality of hereditary slavery in 1787 , finding that it was a "breach of divine law." A committee was appointed to create a plan for the gradual emancipation of slaves, which was done. However, this "excited considerable tumult in the churches, and accordingly in their letters to the next Association they remonstrated so decidedly that the Association resolved to take no further steps in the business."Semple, p. 392.
In an earlier effort on March 7, 1778 , the question of whether a "petition should be offered to the General Assembly, praying that the yoke of slavery may be made more tolerable," had been  unsuccessful.
Semple, p. 103.
Much of the objection to slavery in Virginia came not so much because of the moral or religious convictions as to the sinfulness of the institution, but rather because of economic concerns. Anti-slavery forces in the state argued that the States to the north and west were becoming prosperous, while Virginia [especially the eastern part of the state where slavery was concentrated] was becoming increasingly impoverished. They concluded that the natural resources of the western part of the state could draw both population and capitol[capital] into the area if only the slavery could be removed. They therefore were in favor of the gradual emancipation and deportation of slaves.
Ambler, Sectionalism in Virginia 1776-1861, p. 186 as cited in Taylor, Alrutheus, "Making West Virginia a Free State", The Journal of Negro History, vol. VI, no. 2 (April 1921), pp. 131-173 (p. 136).
Resolutions and petitions were presented to the Assembly proposing various ways in which the "Negro Question" should be resolved. These fell into three classes:
(1) those asking for the removal of free Negroes from the State; (2) those seeking to amend the Federal Constitution with a view to giving Congress power to appropriate money with which to purchase slaves and transport them and the free Negroes from the United States; and, (3) those urging the State to devise some scheme for gradual emancipation.
Ambler, p. 186 as cited in Taylor, p. 137.
In sections of the state where slaves were few endorsement of the second and third approaches were advocated. Where slaves were numerous the first approach was recommended.
In a pamphlet entitled "An Address to the People of West Virginia by a Slaveholder of West Virginia" the argument was made that the public welfare was ill served by the institution of slavery, that slavery was detrimental to the economic well being of the state, and that gradual abolition could occur without harming the rights and interests of slave holders.
Ambler, p. 202 as cited in Taylor, 139.
Dr. Henry Ruffner, the author of the pamphlet's call for gradual emancipation, said:
No one so far as I can remember took the abolitionist ground that slave holding was a sin and ought to be abolished. With us, it was, merely a question of expediency and was argued with special reference to the interests of West Virginia.
Ambler, p. 244 as cited in Taylor, p. 139.
He did acknowledge, however, that the pamphlet had not received support from the editors of newspapers in the Shenandoah Valley because they doubted the success of the plan.
Ambler, p. 245 as cited in Taylor, p. 140.
The first slave manumission in Jefferson County was recorded on December 9, 1801. Congressman Robert Rutherford, "whose heart is said to have been far out of proportion with his small frame," went before "the justices and had placed on record the fact of his having manumitted three of his slaves, Menta, Joseph, and Adam." The manumission of these slaves is considered of note [not] only because they were the first in the region but also because they occurred "long before any anti-slave agitation occurred." <blockaquote>Norris, page 337. </blockquote>
Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol. XIV (December 1948) p. 20.
Some masters freed slaves because they acknowledged the valuable contribution slaves had made to the master's wealth.
Johnson, James Hugo. Race Relations in Virginia and Miscegenation in the South 1776-1860. Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1970, p. 8.
A slave testified that he served his master faithfully for twenty years, "ten of which he was on the tan yards, by which he was enabled to acquire a perfect knowledge of that business" and "his master gave him strong assurance that it was not his intention that he should remain a slave for life."
Archives of Virginia, Legislative Papers, Petition 5839, Jefferson, December 15, 1811 as cited in Johnson, p. 8.
In another case the family of a decreased master gave the following testimony:
Lest there should be objections to his remaining here ... your petitioner's family having inherited a large part of the estate of the said John Campbell ... are willing to be security for the said Roger, that he shall never be a burden to the public and to give farther security if deemed necessary to support him during his natural life, as he believes that himself and his family are now enjoying the fruits of the labour of the said Roger.
Archives of Virginia, Legislative Papers. Petition 7686, Jefferson, December 11, 1821 as cited in Johnson, p. 9.
Among some residence [residents], manumission was considered as a "somewhat inhuman thing to do. There was work a freed negro could engage in and, in fact there was no place he could go."
Bates, p. 132.
The vast majority of Jefferson County slaves received their freedom either during or at the conclusion of the Civil War. For example, Hugh Nelson Pendleton of the Westwood Plantation freed his slaves at the outbreak of the Civil War.
Magazine of the Jefferson County Historical Society, vol XII (December 1946) p. 23.
[Lucy Diggs Slow free black, graduated from Wellesley College and became the Dean of Women at Howard -- was she one of Pendleton's slaves?]
According to a letter to Richard D. Washington, who managed Harewood at the time of the Civil War, a number of the slaves "were taken away." The following slaves were "liberated by war":
James Reeler -- age 30 years (accomplished servant & gardener)
Edwin Johnson -- age 28 years (blacksmith)
Maria Johnson -- age 50 years
Merideth Johnson -- age 45 years
Louisa Johnson -- age 45 years
Mary Johnson -- age 43 years
Abby Johnson -- age 17 years
Merideth Johnson, Jr. -- age 19 years
Cynthia Johnson -- age 14 years
Margaret Taylor -- age 35 years
Albert -- age 14 years
Benjamin Galloway -- age 35 years
Charlotte Galloway -- age 33 years
Samuel Galloway -- age 15 years
Lucy Galloway -- age 13 years
Prince Johnson -- age 35 years (excellent blacksmith)
Mingo Johnson -- age 25 years
John -- age 18 years
Dolly Nelson -- age 30 years
Benjamin Nelson -- age 17 years
Lucy Nelson -- age 16 years
Jane Nelson -- age 14 years
Thomas Nelson -- age 12 years
Hannah Nelson -- age 10 years
Thomas Saunders -- age 25 years (accomplished house servant)
Eliza Thompson -- age 40 years
From a letter to Richard D. Washington, located in an album of Washington Family History at Harewood House)
<a name="sub9">COLONIZATION SOCIETY:</a>
In 1816 , the American Colonization Society was organized in  Washington, D.C. The aim of the Society was to transport free blacks to Africa and colonize them there. Bushrod Washington of Jefferson County served as the president of the organization for thirteen years.
Davis, Richard Beale, Intellectual Life in Jefferson's Virginia. Knoxville, Tennessee: The University of Tennessee Press, 1972, p. 417.
Bushong, Millard Kessler. Historic Jefferson County. Boyce, Virginia: Carr Publishing Company, 1972, p. 125
Officers of the society were:
Dr. Samuel J. Cramer, President
Bushrod C. Washington, Vice-President
Adam Weaver, Vice-President
H.S. Turner, Vice-President
N. Craighill, Vice-President
J.T.A. Washington, Vice-President
G.W. Humphreys, Vice-President
John Marshall, Secretary
R. Worthington, Treasurer
Bushong, p. 124
Auxiliary societies were organized in Shepherdstown, Charles Town and Harpers Ferry.
Davis, Richard Beale, p. 417.
An interesting sidelight to the efforts of the Colonization Society appeared in the Shepherdstown Register in June of 1854 . The paper reported that forty-five slaves who had been liberated by the will of Mr. Gunnel of Jefferson County had been taken to Pennsylvania. After remaining there for a few days and "becoming acquainted with the institution of their particular friends" a number of them returned to Virginia. They intended to go to Liberia. It is unclear whether or not they achieved their goal.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 3, no. 30, Saturday, June 17, 1854.
However, after the Civil War several of the slaves from Tudor Hall, built by the Grantham family, returned to Africa.
From an interview with James Grantham, Kearneysville, West Virginia, Thursday, July 19, 1990
The Shepherdstown Register in 1857 noted that the total number of emigrants sent to Liberia since 1820 was 10,502, of whom 5,500 were emancipated with a view to emigration.
Shepherdstown Register, vol. 5., no. 28, May 30, 1857, page 1
<a name="sub10">FREE BLACKS:</a>
Virginia had the largest number of free blacks of any state in the Union:
1783 -- 3,000 Free blacks
1790 -- 12,000 Free blacks / 292,000 slaves* law permitting emancipation in operation for eight years.
1810 -- 30,269 Free blacks / 392,000 slaves
McColley, p. 71.
McColley, p. 141.
It is interesting to note however, that as part of Virginia's attempt to recruit soldiers for the Continental Army, a bill was passed which included a provision whereby:
... each recruit, and also all our soldiers ... during the war, who shall continue to serve faithfully to the end thereof, shall then receive a healthy sound negro, between the ages of ten and thirty years, or sixty pounds in gold or silver, at the option of the soldier....
Henning, vol. X, page 331 as cited in William Couper, History of the Shenandoah Valley, New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1952, vol. 1, p. 659.
Smith-Parker, p. 17.
Free Negroes in Virginia could not vote. They had to register every three years and pay for certificates of freedom. They were subject to special taxes in addition to property; and if they failed to pay their property could be seized. If the value of the property did not cover the delinquent tax bill the sheriff could hire them out until the debt was paid. They could not own more than one weapon per household and after 1806 these were subject to a special license.
Shepherd, vol. I, p. 123 as cited in McColley, p. 73 and Russell, John H. The Free Negro in Virginia 1619-1865. Baltimore: 1913, p. 96.
Shepherd, vol. I, p. 107 as cited in McColley, p. 73.
Free Negroes were barred from organizing schools.
Russell, p. 141 as cited in McColley p. 73.
McColley, p. 74.
They were also expected to pay taxes and lists of delinquent "free negro" taxpayers were listed in the newspaper. For example, the following "free negroes" of Shepherdstown were delinquent in their taxes for the year ending April 1, 1854:
Joseph Baker, John Lisle, Polly B. Adams, Nancy Ross, Mima Ross, Rebecca Coff, Sarah Hopkins, Judy Striplin, Sarah Smith, and Jesse Woods.
Shepherdstown Registrar [Register], vol. 3, no. 19, Saturday, April 1, 1854.
Virginia made it a crime, punishable by a fine of L 100, to import a free Negro into the state in December of 1793 . Additionally, a free negro who found his way into Virginia was to be returned to his place of origin.
Shepherd, vol. I, p. 239 as cited in McColley, p. 72.
if any slave hereafter emancipated shall remain within this Commonwealth more than twelve months after his or her right to freedom shall have accrued, he or she shall forfeit all such right, and may be apprehended and sold by the overseers of the poor of any county or corporation in which he or she shall be found.
Shepherd, vol. III, p. 252 as cited in McColley, p. 72.
"In spite of the conditions that circumscribed the lives of the free Negro," Hugo Johnson believes that, "an overwhelming mass of evidence seems to make it clear that these people loved the native state."
Johnson, James Hugo, p. 48.
A number of petitions were presented to the State Legislature requesting that a freed person be allowed to stay in Jefferson County:
So many are the difficulties which emigration presents ... so frought with peril to the welfare and happiness of her child and herself, would be the attempt to seek those blessings to which they are entitled in a strange land in the midst of strangers, cut off from the society and the aid of relations and friends as almost to shut from their view the prospect of freedom which is held out to them....
Archives of Virginia, Legislative Papers. Petition 5839,  Jefferson, December 15, 1811 as cited in Johnson, James Hugo, p. 49.
The 1820's and 1830's were the "best times for freemen." By the 1850's the existence of large numbers of free blacks was seen as threat to the existence of slavery. Additionally, there was growing resentment among poor whites because the free blacks would work for much lower wages than the whites.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
Dispute [despite] the hardships faced by free blacks one free black became one of the wealthiest men in Jefferson County. In 1860 James Roper, listed as a mulatto on the census, had amassed $166,000 worth of real estate.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
<a name="sub11">CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850-1851:</a>
A continuous complaint of the people from the western part of the state was the way in which slaves were taxed. Slave property contributed one-third of the State's revenue.
Ambler, pp. 140-141 as cited in Taylor, p. 134.
And the vast majority of taxable slaves lived in the eastern part of Virginia. For example, when there [were] 397,000 slaves subject to taxation east of the Blue Ridge Mountains there were only 50,000 west of the Blue Ridge.
Ambler, pp. 140-141 as cited in Taylor, p. 134.
Ambler, pp. 269 as cited in Taylor, p. 143
Taylor, p. 136.
During the convention of 1850-1851 this question of taxation again became an issue, with the representatives from the western part of the state complaining that Negroes under the ages of twelve were not being counted for the purpose of taxation.
Bushong, p. 271.
Another complaint of the western Virginia[n]s was that while the state had spent money and incurred debt to construct railroads and canals connecting the eastern part of the state, the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, the one large railroad of the western part of the state, had not received significant state support.
Hall, The Rending of Virginia, p. 60 as cited in Taylor, p. 144.
A permanent settlement of these issues was impossible with the state half slave and half free. And Jefferson County, also part slave and part free, was caught in between these two sections of the state and in between their competing interests.
<a name="sub12">JOHN BROWN'S RAID:</a>
At the time of John Brown's raid Jefferson County was in a period of economic depression. The census figures indicated that there had been a population ourflow including the exodus of slaves who had been sold elsewhere.
Brown believed that if slavery would be driven out of one county, it would weaken the system throughout the state.
Siebert, p. 66. Also cited in Life of Frederick Douglass, 1881, pp. 280, 281, 318, 319 and Hinton, Richard.  John Brown and His Men, pp. 30-12.
Hinton reported that during the deliberations before the raid the mountains of Virginia were named as the place of refuge, and as a country admirably adapted in which to carry on a guerilla warfare. In the course of conversation Harper's Ferry was mentioned as a point to be seized -- but not held-- on account of the arsenal.
Siebert, p. 66. Also cited in Hinton, pp. 30-32.
The Black Nationalist Martin R. Delany, who was born in Charles Town, had met with John Brown in Chatham, Canada in 1858 at an antislavery convention. There has been speculation that Brown's choice of Harper's Ferry for his insurrection was influenced by Delany. Delany and Brown also consulted on Brown's plans to create an independent black nation. Martin Delany was born in Charles Town, old Virginia[,] the son of a slave and a free mother, Pati, in 1812 . In 1822 his family was forced to leave Charles Town after his mother had been convicted of violating a law which prohibited teaching black children to read.
Libby, Jean Black Voices from Harpers Ferry: Osborne Anderson and the John Brown Raid Palo Alto, California: 1979, pp. 67-72.
Another person to influence Brown's decision to come to Harper's Ferry was Joe Winters, also known as "Indian Dick." Joe Winters was born on August 29, 1816 in Leesburg, Virginia of Indian and African-American parents. His paternal great-great-great grandfather Chief Okichanconough, a frontier warrior from 1636-1646 . Joe's father was James Winters, a brick-maker who had made the bricks for the gun works at Harper's Ferry. His maternal grandmother, "Aunt" Betsy Cross, was from Half Kings tribe of the Shawnee. The Winter family lived in several places in Jefferson County -- Halltown, Charles Town (on the farm where John Brown was hung), and Shepherdstown.
Among his other accomplishments, Winters was an expert fisherman. Using fishing as a ruse, it was Winters who arranged for Frederick Douglass to meet with John Brown in Chambersburg.
Christian, Edna. "Joe Winters." Public Opinion, January 17, 1956 , as reprinted in Libby, pp. 76-78.
The story of John Brown's raid has been well documented. On October 16, 1859 , he led twenty-one men in attacking and holding the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry until a company of Marines commanded by Robert E. Lee dislodged them on October 17.
The first person to die in the raid was Haywood Shepherd, a  "slave counted as free" African-American baggage master, employed by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.
Baltimore Weekly Sun, October 22, 1859 cited in Bushong, p. 180.
The term "slave, counted as free" was used to circumvent a law which required freed blacks to leave the state. Shepherd's former master, and possible still legal master, was Fontaine Beckman, the mayor of Harpers Ferry who also died during the raid.
Libby, p. 91.
Haywood Shepherd was not the only black who had a relationship with Fontaine Beckham. Issaac Gilbert was owned by Susan Harding. Isaac's wife, Sarah, and his three children were owned by Dr. James Logie. In 1858 , when Isaac had earned enough money to purchase his family he gave $1400 in gold to Mayor Beckman who made the purchase for him since Isaac, as a slave, could not make the purchase himself. Beckman retained the bill of sale for the Gilbert Family and, Upon his death, Sarah and her children were freed, according to the provisions of Beckman's will. These maybe considered the only slaves to receive their freedom as a result of the raid.
Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
John Brown and his men took a number of hostages during their raid. Among them were Colonel Lewis Washington (great-grand nephew of George Washington) and his slaves -- Jim, Sam, Mason, and Catesby -- as well as John Allstadt and his slaves -- Henry, Levi, Ben, Jerry, Phil, George, and Bill. Jim, one of Washington's slaves was drown. Phil, belonging to Allstadt died in the Charles Town jail from "cold and fright."
Baltimore Weekly Sun, October 22, 1859 cited in Bushong, p. 187. </p>
In 1861 , Osborne Anderson, a black man who road [rode] with John Brown and escaped after the raid at Harpers Ferry privately published A Voice from Harper's Ferry. Osborne's version of the raid is quite different from the reports given by others, especially those by local slave owners. According to Anderson the local black population did respond to John Brown's call for an insurrection. According to a 1870 conversation with Richard Hinton that occurred in Washington, Anderson estimated that at least 150 "actively informed slaves" and that there were "Negroes who tilled small areas of land and worked 'round' who could be depended upon."Hinton, pp. 272-273 as cited in Libby, p. 97.
Anderson felt that there was:
seemingly a studied attempt to enforce the belief that the slaves were cowardly, and that they were really more in favor of Virginia master and slavery, than they were their freedom. As a party who had an intimate  knowledge of the conduct of the colored men engaged, I am prepared to make an emphatic denial of the gross imputation against them.Anderson, Osborne A Voice from Harper's Ferry as reprinted in Libby, p. 59.
For example, Anderson reported that:
On the road we met some colored men, to whom we made known our purpose, when they immediately agreed to join us. They said they had been long waiting for an opportunity of the kind. Steven then asked them to go around among the colored people and circulate the news, when each started off in a different direction. The result was that many colored men gathered to the scene of action.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 34.
Anderson also related that:
One old colored lady, at whose house we stopped, a little way from the town, had a good time over the message we took her. This liberating the slaves was the very thing she had longed for, prayed for and dreamed about, time and gain; and her heart was full of rejoicing over the fulfillment of a prophecy which had been her faith for long years.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 35.
Anderson reports that Brown ordered "Sherrard Lewis Leary and four slaves, and a freeman belonging to a neighborhood to ... the rifle factory, which they immediately did." Fourteen slaves were ordered to "take Washington's four-horse wagon, and to join the company."Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 37.
Brown ordered Anderson to:
take the pikes out of the wagon in which he road[rode] to the Ferry, and to place them in the hand of the coloured men who had come with us from the plantations, and others who had come forward without having had communication with any of our party.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 37.
A doubled barrel gun had been loaded with buckshot and "placed in the hands of an elderly slave man." When the old man ordered a citizen to halt and was ignored, "instantly the terrible load was discharged into him, and he fell, and expired without a struggle."Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 38.
Anderson denied the charges that local slaves had been unreliable and that they had deserted Brown at the first opportunity, preferring to go back to their masters; and that they were, "indifferent to the work of their salvation from the yoke, as to have to be forced into service by the Captain, contrary to their will.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 39.
The Sunday evening before the raid, Brown and his men were visiting plantations in the area and telling the slaves of their plans. Anderson related that:
One old mother, white-haired from age, and borne down with the labors of many years in bonds, when told of the work in hand replied: "God bless you! God bless you! She then kissed the party at her house, and requested all to kneel, which we did, and she offered prayer to God for His blessing on the enterprise, and our success. At the slaves' quarters, there was apparently a general jubilee, and they stepped forward manfully, without impressing or coaxing. In one case, only, was there any hesitation. A dark-complexioned freeborn man refused to take up arms. He showed the only want of confidence in the movement, and far less courage than any slave consulted about the plan.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, pp. 59-60.
Anderson's perceptions were in opposition to observations of a Confederate Staff Officer, A.R.H. Ranson who reported in "Reminiscences of the Civil War by a Confederate Staff Officer" that, "Negroes in that section at least, were comfortable and happy ... there was such a thing as love between master and slave, who owned them."Ranson, A.R.H., "Reminiscences of the Civil War by a Confederate Staff Officer." Shawnee Review, vol. 21 (October 1913) p. 429 as cited in Libby, p. 87.
Whether or not slaves rose to Brown's assistance maybe questioned but even A.R.H. Ranson believed that his slaves were at least aware that the raid was to occur:
At the time of the Raid I was living on a farm six miles southwest from Charlestown, and therefore fourteen miles from Harpers Ferry, on this turnpike road. On Monday morning of the 20th of October 1859 , I was overlooking the work of the men, who were cutting off corn in a filed [field] near Ripon, our post office station. I noticed that the men often turned their eyes on me as I followed behind them in their work, a thing I had never observed before. There [their] glances made me feel uncomfortable and doubtful, -- an entirely new sensation in my experience as a slave owner.
Ranson, p. 439 as cited in Libby, p. 103.
In addition to advancing the image of the local slaves and freemen as being willing to fight for their freedom, Anderson also spoke of the slaveholders as being less that [than] courageous:
The fight at Harper's Ferry also disproved the current idea that slaveholders will lay down their lives for their property. Col. Washington, the representative of the old hero, stood 'blubbering' like a great calf at supposed danger; while the labouring white classes and non-slaveholders, with the marines (mostly gentlemen from "furrin" parts,) were the men who faces the bullets of John Brown and his men.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 41.
Anderson wrote that the "truth" of the raid on Harper's Ferry was:
First, that the conduct of the slaves is strong guarantee of the weakness of the institution, should a favorable opportunity occur: and, secondly that the colored people, as a body, were well represented by numbers, both in the fight and in the number who suffered martyrdom afterward.Anderson, as reprinted in Libby, p. 60.
Upon Robert E. Lee's arrival at Harpers Ferry a battle occurred in which ten of Brown's men were killed, including two of his sons. Brown was captured, put on trial for treason, and sentenced to death. In Edmund Ruffin's Dairy he wrote of the fear that a rescue attempt of John Brown would be made, Although Ruffin discounts the possibility of this occurring, he does report that, "Some discreet men here think that there are unknown agents in this village [Charles Town], & that it is to communicate with them that the rockets are fired in the mountains, as signals." He added that Col. Smith, "thinks that if any rescue is attempted, it will begin by setting fire to the town.The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, Scarborough, William K., editor Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972, p. 363.
From the time of John Brown's capture until his hanging, crops and barns of slaveowners in the Jefferson and Berkeley County area were set afire. This guerilla warfare presumedly was conducted by local blacks. On October 31, 1859, the Virginia Free Press reported the burning of the barn and stable of George Fole of Berkeley County near Swan Pond, the 'work of a negro boy." November 10, 1859 , the Virginia Free Press reported that "three large straw ricks belonging to Mr. John LaRue," of Jefferson County and "the granary and carriage house of Dr. Stephenson" near Cattleman's Ferry in of [??] Jefferson County were  destroyed by fire. Wheatland, the farm of George Turner, a slaveowner who was killed during the Raid on Harpers Ferry was reported burned in the New York Times of December 3, 1859 . Additionally, property of Mr. John Burns, Mr. Walter Shirley, and Mr. George H. Tate -- all of whom served on juries that convicted John Brown's men -- were all destroyed within the same week. "...the impression is strong that it is being done by the Abolition confederates of Brown & Co...."Correspondence of the Baltimore American, printed in the Dollar Pennsylvanian, Philadelphia: November 26, 1859. Boyd Stutler Collection as cited in Libby, p. 176. Also cited in Villard, John Brown, 1910, page 520 as cited in Bates, pp. 135-136.
In a letter to Governor Wise, a Mr. Ulare complained that:
their [John Brown's Raiders] policy was to fire stockyards and destroy property -- they are now carrying it out -- three stock yards have been burnt in this county alone since their capture and since their trial -- last night one of mine was burned destroying not less that [than] $2000 worth of property ... we can only account for it on the grounds that is [it] is Cook's [one of John Brown's Raiders] instructions to our negroes...'Private' letter, I.W. [?] Ulare to Governor Wise, November 13, 1859, Boyd Stutler Collection as cited in Libby, p. 176.
On December 2, 1859 John Brown was taken from prison in Charles Town to the place of his hanging. According to a report in a New York Paper, Brown stopped and kissed a Negro child on his way to the gallows. John Greenleaf Whittier included this incident in a poem about John Brown:
John Brown of Ossawatomie, they led him out to die;
And lo! a poor slave-mother with her little child pressed nigh.
Then the bold, blue eye grew tender, and the old harsh face grew mild,
As he stooped between the jeering ranks and kissed the negro's child!
The shadows of his stormy life that moment fell apart;
And they who blamed the bloody hand forgave the loving heart.
That kiss from all its guilty means redeemed the good intent,
And round the grisly fighter's hair the martyr's aureole bent!From "Brown of Ossawatomie", John Greenleaf Whittier, The Complete Works of John Greenleaf Whittier, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1892, pp. 267-268.
The jailer John Avis left a sworn statement asserting that this incident never happened and Bushong says it is not possible that this event occurred because Brown was so closely guarded and because Negroes were said to be "scared to death on the day of the execution."Bushong, p. 201.
And in Edmund Ruffin's eye witness account he writes that:
Except a few persons, having special claim of office, profession &c. no spectator was allowed on the ground except the military on duty there. All others who obtained entrance were under some pretense & assumption of military office, or duty.The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, Scarborough, William K., editor, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972, p. 369.
And Major Preston confirms Ruffin's impression in a letter (dated Charles Town -- December 2, 1859 ) to his wife, where he writes, "There was a very small crowd to witness the execution.... It was told last night there were not in Charles Town ten persons besides citizens and military.Coupter, William. History of the Shenandoah Valley. New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1952, vol. II, p. 834.
In a letter from Mary Mauzy to her daughter Eugenia Burton, who was living in England at the time of the raid, Mary writes, "since the insurrection, the poor darkies have been so frightened. None of them believed that old Brown wanted to free them."Letter from Mary Mauzy to Eugenia; Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
Whatever the true feeling of African-Americans regarding the intentions of John Brown, it was clear that enyone who expressed support for Brown's actions was "run out of town and told never to return."Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
After the raid the Fugitive Slave Law was tightened and locally, Charles Town passed a new town ordinance which stated than [that] no more than two free blacks or slaves could gather on the street at any one time.Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
It is estimated that Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry caused the value of slave property in Virginia to decline approximately $10,000,000.Siebert, p. 339. Also cited in Hinton, p. 30.
if separation of the states was effected, & war ensued, or even without war, an army was required to be kept, at the expense of Virginia, in this region, to protect our then northern frontier, that the non-slaveholders, who greatly surpass the slaveholders in number, would not concur; & that their jealousy of the richer, as well as self-interest, would cause them to side with the north, & go for the abolition of slavery.The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, p. 373.
Thompson thought that this would be true for all of Virginia west of the Blue Ridge, and that there was, "already evidence of such feelings & opinions of non-slaveholders"The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, p. 373.
Thompson also told Ruffin that, "the greater number of inhabitants of Harper's Ferry, who are northerners & foreigners, workmen in the armory works, did scarcely anything to quell the late out break [John Brown's Raid] -- fighting men being nearly all from the adjacent county & neighboring towns, before the arrival of the marines.The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, p. 373.
Mr. Thompson's predictions proved momentarily correct. When delegates for the Virginia Convention in February, 1861 , were being elected the vote in Jefferson County was 2,783 pro-union and 897 against.Davis, Julia, p. 153.
On April 4th when the Virginia Convention voted on secession the measure failed 85 to 45. However, on April 17th, five days after Fort Sumter was fired upon the Virginia Convention adopted the Ordinance of Secession.Davis, Julia, p. 154.
Logan Osburn, a resolute Union delegate from Jefferson County wrote in an open letter explaining his opposition to secession:
I regard it as mischievous in its tendency and destructive in its consequences...But my opinions have been overruled by a large majority of the freemen of my state... I am a son a [of] Virginia, and her destiny shall be mine.Davis, Julia, p. 155.
<a name="sub13">WEST VIRGINIA STATEHOOD:</a>
Originally, the area of Virginia west of the Alleghenies was to be the border of the new state. However, in November of 1861 The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad had asked for protection in Jefferson and Berkeley Counties by making this area east of the Alleghenies part of West Virginia.Davis, Julia, p. 290.
When the western counties of Virginia met to write a state constitution for the proposed new state, debate over the slave question had been heated. Yet, the document presented to Congress did not include an emancipation clause. It did, however, contain the following section:
No slave shall be brought or free person of color come into this State for permanent residence after this constitution goes into effect.Hall, The Rending of Virginia, pp. 421-429 as cited in Taylor, page 153.
Again, in Congress, the debate over whether or not to allow for the admission of the new states, center on the question of slavery. A number of proposals were put forward but finally a bill was presented which included the following:
Section 2. It being represented to Congress that since the Convention of the 26th of November 1861 , that framed and proposed the Constitution, for the said State of West Virginia, the people thereof have expressed a wish to change the seventh section of the eleventh article of said Constitution by striking out the same and inserting the following in its place, namely, 'The children of slaves born within the limits of this State after the fourth day of July, 1863 , shall be free, and no slave shall be permitted to come into the state for permanent residence therein.'Congressional Globe, Pt. 4 and App. 2nd Session, 37th Congress, 1861-1862, 3316 as cited in Taylor, p. 164.
While this amendment required the gradual emancipation of children yet to be born it did not resolve the question of slaves "in esse", slaves already living. An additional amendment was passed which inserted after the word "free" the following:
And that all slaves within the State who shall at the time aforesaid be under ten years of age shall become free when they arrive at the age of twenty-one years, and all slaves over ten years and under twenty-one years of age shall become free when they arrive at the age of twenty-five years.Congressional Globe, Pt. 4 and App. 2nd Session, 37th Congress, 1861-1862, 3316 as cited in Taylor, pp. 164-165.
Although there were those who still objected to the admission of another state that allowed for slavery even on a temporary basis, the initial bill for admission of West Virginia to the Union was passed by Congress on December 11, 1862 , and presented to President Lincoln, who signed it on December 31. The constitution of the new state, however, needed to be [???] have the required amendments to provide for the gradual abolition of slavery approved. This was accomplished when the constitutional convention reconvened and completed its work with in eight days adjourning on February 20, 1863 .Ambler, The Mountain State, pp. 325-326 as cited in Bushong, p. 273.
On March 26, 1863, the people voted for adoption of the amendment and on June 12, 1863, West Virginia formally became a state. It was the first state to enter the Union with a constitution providing for the gradual emancipation of slaves within its boundaries.Lewis, How West Virginia Was Made, pp. 330-334 as cited in Taylor, p. 164.
In May of 1863 it was decided that a plebiscite should be held in the disputed counties. At the time of the election, most of the eligible voters were away involved in the war and the area was occupied by Union Troops. " It is possible that "Jefferson County might still be in the State of Virginia had not all of its young men, at the time of forming the new State, been away from home fighting for the cause of the Confederacy."Bates, p. 193.
After the war a petition, signed by two-thirds of the electorate asking that the area be returned to Virginia, was circulated. A counter petition was also promulgated saying the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad would leave the area if this happened. Virginia took the case before the Supreme Court in 1867. The court split on the question four to four. It was heard again in 1871 ; and Virginia lost the dispute six to three. Technically this ended the question. The "Spirit of Jefferson" changed its mast head from "Charlestown, Virginia" to Charles Town, West Virginia." However, for many years after the war some of the white residents of the area described where they lived as being in "the Shenandoah Valley, near Winchester."Davis, Julia, pp. 290-291. </blokquote>
During the Civil War the approximately 3,000 slaves  comprised 26% of the population of Jefferson County.Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
In the Summer of 1861 , Nathaniel Prentiss Banks, major general of volunteers, marched through the Shenandoah Valley, and [???] that, "officers with men and wagons visited many homestead and urged the negroes to accompany them."Cartmell, T.K. Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants, 1909, Appendix 8, p. 520.
Among the African-Americans who went with Banks' Army was John Dotson, great-great grandfather of James Lester Taylor:
The name of my great-great grandfather on my mother's side was John Dotson. (Most black people spell it D-O-T-S-O-N and most whites spell it D-O-D-S-O-N.) He was with General Banks of the Union Army in 1862 during the Civil War. The Union Army came through Charles Town and many slaves came with Banks. He was about eighteen or nineteen years old and stayed with Banks wherever he went. I think it was the Second Battle of Winchester when Stonewall Jackson had Banks on the move. They came through Harpers Ferry and then retreated into Maryland. Many other blacks stayed in the area.From an interview with James Lester Taylor, Ranson, West Virginia, 1991. Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-2).
While some slaves left the plantations and farms of Jefferson County during the war others stayed. T.K. Cartmell wrote, "Many noble specimens of the race clung to the fortunes of their former masters protecting and supporting the helpless women and children of the old home, who felt secure when thus guarded.Cartmell, p. 520.
Sue Wysong Brown recalls a similar circumstance in her own family:
I remember mother saying that when grandfather went off into the War Between the States, he left my grandmother with eight children and six slaves. I remember hearing mother say grandma would send for the doctor for her slaves but not for own children. She doctored her own children and let the doctor tend to the slaves when they got ill. Then one morning towards the end of the war, she woke and they were gone. They took off in the middle of the night.From an interview with Sue Wysong Brown, 1991, Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-3).
Because of Harpers Ferry's symbolic importance as the site of John Brown['s] Raid and due to the presents [presence] of Union troops, hundreds of African-Americans poured into the county. The proximity of Union troops did not always mean the security and freedom for which blacks had hoped. In 1862 Major General Patterson had ordered his troops to suppress any slave insurrection in Virginia. Large numbers of blacks were taken to Harpers Ferry to unload military supplies in March of 1862. In April of the same year the Union Quartermaster was ordered to seize all blacks for work repairing roads. And on September 15, 1862, 12,500 Union soldiers garrisoned at Harpers Ferry surrendered to Stonewall Jackson. After the battle it is estimated that as many as one thousand runaway slaves in the Jefferson County area were rounded up and returned to the South and slavery.Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit
Until the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, the Federal government referred to escaped slaves as "contraband," a term that indicated something, or in this case someone, was "property of war."
<a name="sub15">THE 19th REGIMENT, COLORED</a>
The 19th Regiment, colored composed of Negroes from Maryland, was garrisoned in Harpers Ferry in order to recruit ex-slaves into army service. The U.S. Army began recruiting and training African-American troops in 1863 and by 1865 one out of ten Union troops were black. 180,000 African-Americans served in the Union Army during the Civil War; 37,000 were killed.Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
On March 12, 1864 , 750 soldiers of the 19th began marching across the lower Shenandoah Valley on the recruiting drive. The first night of the march they were attacked by Federal scouts on the instruction of their own commander, Colonel Perkins, in order to test their courage. Each man had been issued only five rounds of ammunition. The 19th reportedly fought with honor; one man died in the attack. They advanced and spent the night in a church near Charles Town. Upon arriving in Winchester they found the town's citizens so hostile that they retreated into Martinsburg and then returned to Harpers Ferry within two weeks of the beginning of the march. Local Negroes had been intimidated by tales that the regiment was impressing men. Not a single recruit joined the 19th.
Neither the President nor his generals were in favor of using colored troops. Some white officers feared being connected to them lest they be captured by the Confederates. However, Lemuel D. Dobbs proclaimed him self to be of the "19th niggers, by God!" and was said to have received special treatment for his bravery. In his memoirs entitled Baked Meats of the Funeral, Charles Grahm Halpine wrote a song about them:
Some tell us tis a burnin' shame
to make the naygers fight;
An' that the thrade of bein' kilt
Belongs but to the white:
But as for me, upon my sowl,
So liberal are we here
I'll let Sambo be murthered instid of meself
On every day of the year.
On every day of the year, bhoys,
An' every hour of the day,
The right to be kilt I'll divide wid him,
And divil a word I'll say.Davis, Julia. pp. 243-244.
Lt. Charles F. Stinson, a white officer with the 19th U.S. Colored Troops, wrote in a letter:
We are at last sent to the front to take our part in the glorious battle. We expected to be put in the first line of battle ere this but have not yet. The colored troops have done some gallant fighting and praiseworthy. "Bully for the Colored Volunteers." I am not at all anxious to go into the fight thought I can go in as light a heart as ever.Letter from Lt. Charles F. Stinson, June 21, 1864, Harpers Ferry National Historical Park Exhibit.
<a name="sub16">FREEDMAN'S BUREAU:</a>
The one area of the African-American community's experience in Jefferson County that has been researched in depth is the Freedmen's Bureau. John Edmund Stealey, III, a professor at Shepherd College, wrote and edited a series of articles which appeared in West Virginia History:Stealey, III, John Edmund, "Freedmen's Bureau in West Virginia." West Virginia History, vol. XXXIX, no. 2 and 3 (January and April 1978) pp. 99-142."Reports of Freedmen's Bureau Operations in West Virginia: Agents in the Eastern Panhandle." Editor, John Edmund Stealey, III. West Virginia History, vol. XLII, no. 1 and 2 (Fall 1980 - Winter 1981) pp. 94-129."Reports of Freedmen's Bureau District Officers on Tours and Surveys in West Virginia." Editor, John Edmund Stealey, III. West Virginia History, vol. XLIII, no. 2 (Winter 1982) pp. 145-155.
A brief review of Dr. Stealey's articles indicate that after the  establishment of the Freedmen's Bureau in Harper's Ferry in the July of 1865 , Jefferson County became a magnet for former slaves. "...Negro males fled from former masters northward to Harper's Ferry and other military locations to obtain work and sustenance."Stealey, "Freedmen's Bureau in West Virginia." p. 100.
"Large families of Women and Children are being driven from their houses daily, and hundreds of them are now roaming over the Country, begging for their support...," was reported in a letter dated June 9, 1865 , by Brig. Gen. J.H. Duval to Major William Russell, Jr.as cited in Stealey, "Freedmen's Bureau in West Virginia." p. 101.
As newly freed slaves flocked to the towns and Freedman Camps hoping to find shelter, assistance, and employment, the numbers grew greater than was the need of their employment and Federal troops tried to discourage any new arrivals.Davis, Julia, p. 280.
Tensions mounted throughout the area. In Charles Town their [there] was a race riot on a Saturday afternoon, when "thirty Negroes who had been drinking der [???] upon five whites."Davis, Julia, p. 281
<a name="sub17">WAR ENDS:</a>
Union soldiers went to the home of "Uncle" Norris, the black sexton of Trinity Episcopal Church, and ordered him to ring the bells of the church to proclaim the impending victory of the North.Shepherdstown Register, November 24, 1921; June 7, 1934 as cited in Bushong, p. 249.
<a name="sub18">FAMILY REUNION:</a>
Many families had been pulled apart during slavery and in the dislocation after the war. Roosevelt Green recalls how his family was reunited:
After the war they were allowed to walk around over the neighborhood, see one another, and talk. My father met a man on another plantation and they got to talking. The man told my father what his name was and what his master's was, and my father said that was his master's name too. Told him what his mother's name was, and that was my father's mother's name. Then they went on down the line and each one of them could remember their family names, and they matched. They came to the conclusion that they were both from the mother's house. They went out across the fields and their parents recognized them. They didn't know where they has been. They united with them, all of the brothers and sisters.Green, Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-1).
The year before the war broke our [out], Hannah Williams was on [an] eight year old girl in Shepherdstown, where she belonged to the McEndree family. Financial troubles came to the McEndrees and Hannah, with her father and mother and others of her kin, was sold and carried away down to Mississippi. She never got up this way again until a day or two before Christmas when, as Hannah Armstrong, she returned to see her sister, Mrs. Maria Williams. The sisters had not seen each other for a half a century, but their meeting was a joyful one, and Hannah had been kept busy ever since she arrived talking of her life in the far South. She recognized a number of houses in Shepherdstown that were here when she was a child.Shepherdstown Register, new vol 35, no. 9, Thursday, January 4, 1900, p. 3.
Emancipation rarely meant that African-Americans found themselves in a secure position. James Lester Taylor reports conditions in Jefferson County for some freed slaves as follows:
When the Emancipation Proclamation was passed, slaves were just set free with nothing to help them begin a new life. Many lived in big brush piles that were in  the fields and they stole what they could for food. They had no money and no transportation. They had to survive the best they could and try wherever to work.Taylor, Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-2).
Mr. John William Dungy, a black abolitionist who travelled extensively through the Shenandoah Valley after the war, described the situation, as retold by William Still, as follows:
....scores of places may still be found where the children have no school privileges, and where many, both old and young, have never had the opportunity of entering a meeting-house or church since the war, as the spirit of the white Christians in these regions is greatly embittered against the colored people, owing to the abolition of Slavery; and they do not invite them to either church or school. Indeed, the churches are closed against them.Still, p. 545.
The African-American often found that travel was restricted after the war in a similar way to which it had been during slavery:
They were free to walk around and go from one plantation to another; but, they had to hurry and get back to their's. That is where the Ku Klux came in. Catch him off his plantation without being authorized; whip him for moving around. They always tried to get to their plantation before dark.Green, Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-1)
<a name="sub20">THE NEW LABOR SYSTEM:</a>
With the end of the war came the end of slavery. It was necessary for a new labor system to be devised. Whites complained about the lack of "work ethic" among the newly freed Negroes and the problems of a "wage system."The Shepherdstown Register, July 15, 1865 as cited in Bushong, p. 253.
But Julia Davis in The Shenandoah described this new system as follows:
Tradition said that a Negro who worked for a white family became the family's responsibility. And so the Negroes lived in a strange blend of dependence and independence. They worked for wages and had their own cabins, never in the country, always on the fringe of town where they could gratify their sociability. They worked when they felt like it, sometimes well, sometimes badly, and stopped when they pleased, which  was usually at the most inconvenient moment for their white employers. Their wages were low, for the money to pay them came from lean pockets, but if illness or idleness brought them below the level of subsistence, a small "darky" would arrive at the 'big house' with the news and the white man would ride over to check the necessities of the situation, to deliver a ham and a basket of food, to tide the black family through. If the provender thus obtained should be used in one night for a barbecue, a scolding might be administered, but never the harsh discipline of cutting off further supplies. That would have been considered cruel, unusual, and reprehensible on the white man's part.
It was not a perfect system, but as a transition it had some merit, for evolution has never been accomplished solely by legislation. The Negroes protested loyalty and devotion, and did not hesitate to pilfer. The white man protested affection, took responsibility, but 'kept them in their place.' And the two races lived in friendship, for they found each other useful, and a mutual usefulness builds up a mutual respect. Above all, they saw each other as individuals, not as faceless masses of black and white, which might be impersonally hated.Davis, Julia, pp. 314-315.
William, Roosevelt Green's father remembered freedom in a different way:
When the war ended they had to free the slaves. The plantation owners had to pay them, but they decided that they didn't have no money to pay them. They said the ones that wanted to stay on and work like they had been doing had accounts at the store to furnish them their needs. I [It] was charged to them. Daddy [William] said they couldn't run no where; didn't have no where to go. Wasn't no place for them to go to. They just stayed on where they was and worked like they had been working. The masters would settle up at the end of the year. Some they said had five dollars for a year's work. Some of them had a dollar. Some of them didn't have nothing. They had bought and consumed all their year's work had earned.Green, Shepherd College Oral History Project (91-1).
<a name="sub21">STORER COLLEGE</a>
Storer College was established in 1867 in the Lockwood House. The Lockwood House was built 1847-1848 by the United States government for the paymaster of the armory at Harper's Ferry. A second story was added in 1858. During the Civil War  it served as the headquarters of Brigadier General H.H. Lockwood of the Union Army. In 1864 it was General Philip H. Sheridan's headquarters. At the end of the war the Reverend Nathan Cook Brackett used it as a primary school for African-American children.Jefferson County Historical Society Magazine (December 1961) pp. 11-13.
For many years Storer was the only institution in West Virginia educating African-Americans.Bushong, p. 267.
Gwenivere Roper, a life long resident of Jefferson County, has been working for the Harpers Ferry National Historic Park since 1973. She has done extensive research on Storer College and was good enough to supply the following information on Storer College:
Thirty thousand newly freed blacks were in the Shenandoah Valley at the end of the Civil War who needed to learn how to read and write. Missionaries came from the north hoping to educate the newly freed blacks. A gentleman named Reverend Nathan Brackett, associated with the Freewill Baptist Church, came here with a mission to start schools in the area. He opened schools in Harpers Ferry, Charles Town, Martinsburg and Shepherdstown.
At the time Nathan Brackett came to Harpers Ferry, in 1865, there was a Freedmen's Bureau office. Brackett talked to the commanding officer and told him he wanted to find a building that had been abandoned. When he journeyed to Camp Hill, Nathan Brackett saw the Lockwood House, where the paymaster who did all the bookkeeping for the armory used to live. The Freedmen's Bureau and the War Department rented the building to Nathan Brackett. His wife came from Winchester and moved into the house with several negro families, teachers, and nineteen students. This was the beginning of Storer College.
It was a primary school at first, teaching the three R's. Storer was named after John Storer, a main contributor and a good friend of Nathan Brackett. He told Nathan Brackett he would give $10,000 to the school under two conditions -- the school would be for both men and women and would be for both black and white. So Storer was an integrated school in its first years and remained integrated until World War I. Then it became an all black school.
Storer became a normal school after it was a 
<a name="Chap24">Appendix B - West Virginia Archaeological Sites Forms
You can view the following archeological site forms by performing an Advanced Catalog Search in West Virginia GeoExplorer using the Article contains parameter. Example: Article contains 46 JF 96
46 JF 96 Boydston Slave Cemetery
46 JF 97 Van Sant Cemetery
46 JF 98 Chapline Cemetery
46 JF 99 Turner Estate ("Meadow Farm")
46 JF 100 "Old graveyard field" Rock Spring
46 JF 101 Blackford Cemetery
46 JF 102 High Street - Rose Hill, still active
46 JF 103 AME Colored Congregation's Burial Ground
46 JF 104 Trinity, Mount Pleasant Baptist Church, Shepherdstown
46 JF 105 Rose Hill Black Cemetery
46 JF 106 "Old Negro burying ground" old darky Cemetery
46 JF 107 Bedford Site <p>46 JF 108 Lafferty - Glenn graveyard, "Glen Burnie" farm
46 JF 109 Lucas Cemetery
46 JF 110 Elmwood Slave Cemetery
46 JF 111 Hendricks/Buckles/Osbourn Cemetery
46 JF 112 Snyder Cemetery
46 JF 113 Flanagan Cemeteries - Bakerton
46 JF 114 Buckles / Rev. Black Cemetery
46 JF 115 Bethany Methodist Cemetery - Hesser - Sensidever Cemetery
46 JF 116 Moore - Hockman Cemetery
46 JF 117 York Hill Cemetery
46 JF 118 Neill Cemetery
46 JF 119 Ronemus-Darke Cemetery
46 JF 120 Ridenour Cemetery
46 JF 121 Manning Cemetery
46 JF 122 Hart-Daniels Cemetery
46 JF 123 AME Reedson Church and Cemetery
46 JF 124 "Butler-Harris-Moore" Cemetery
46 JF 125 Showalter (Vickers Farm) Cemetery
46 JF 126 Engle/Bowman Cemeteries
46 JF 127 Yates Cemetery
46 JF 128 Flowing Spring Farm Cemetery
46 JF 129 Mordington (Happy Retreat)
46 JF 130 Payne Hill Cemetery
46 JF 131 Rion Hall family, possible slave Cemetery
46 JF 132 Belvedere <p>46 JF 133 "Fleetwood" John Moore Downey Farm
46 JF 134 Little Family Graveyard, Mt. Hammond
46 JF 135 Heflebower Cemetery
46 JF 136 The Rocks/Wormley
46 JF 137 Beeler/Isler Cemetery
46 JF 138 Moorings / James B. Lewis
46 JF 139 Blackburn / Isbell - Wortley
46 JF 140 Long Meadow Cemetery
46 JF 141 Smith Slave Cemetery
46 JF 142 Shenstone West - Slave Quarters
46 JF 143 Shenstone <p>46 JF 144 Bell / Fry / Bear Garden 46JF 145 Grantham (Tudor Hall) Cemetery</p>
46 JF 146 White House Farm Cemetery #1
46 JF 147 White House Farm Cemetery #2
46 JF 148 Mt. Ellen Cemetery
46 JF 149 Dust Cemetery
46 JF 150 Anthony Kennedy - Elmwood on the Opequon Cemetery
46 JF 151 Roxley / Coyle Cemetery
46 JF 152 Infirmary / County / Poor Farm
46 JF 153 Tabb Slave Cemetery
46 JF 154 Springdale Slave Cemetery
46 JF 155 O'Bannon Graveyard
46 JF 156 Prato Rio (Hopewell)
46 JF 157 New Hopewell Cemetery #1
46 JF 158 New Hopewell Cemetery #2
46 JF 159 Medley Springs / Hidden River
46 JF 160 Bower Cemetery
46 JF 161 St. George's Chapel / Poor Farm
46 JF 162 Wright Cemetery
46 JF 163 Woodbury / Baylor
46 JF 164 Prospect Hall / Edwards/ Hunsicker
46 JF 165 Southwood / McSheery / Kerney
46 JF 166 Pleasance / Walper
46 JF 167 White Rocks / Lemen Farm Cemetery
46 JF 168 Border / Gibbons Cemetery
46 JF 169 Traveler's Rest / Gates - Strider
46 JF 170 Collingswood
46 JF 171 Willow View / Blackford Slave Cemetery
46 JF 172 Willow View / Blackford Cemetery46JF173
Crane / "Dolly Varden" Cemetery</p>
46 JF 174 Locust Grove / Logie Cemetery
46 JF 175 "Eastwood" / Gantt Humphreys
46 JF 176 Woodlawn / Abell
46 JF 177 Gardner - Vestal Hall Cemetery
46 JF 178 Hawthorne / Locust Grove Cemetery
46 JF 179 "Richwood Hall" Cemetery
46 JF 180 "Barleywood" / McPherson Cemetery
46 JF 181 "Grove Glenn" Slave Cemetery
46 JF 182 White Woods Cemetery
46 JF 183 Zeke Wilson Cemetery
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